fmACHl^R'S   MANUAL 


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N>i:lt:i(il     Map    Publish®! » 

CHICAGO 


CHARLES  KNAPP 
LIBRARY 


1937 


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LIBRARY 


MANUAL  FOR 

Breasted-Huth  Ancient  History  Maps 


NEW 

HISTORICAL  WALL  MAPS 

Uniform  large  size,  44x32  inches 

ANCIENT 

Breasted  Ancient  History  Series. 
By  James  H.  Breasted,  Ph.D.,  and  Carl  F.  Huth,  Jr., 
University  of  Chicago. 

Sixteen  Maps  covering  the  period  to  the  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire. 

EUROPEAN 

Harding  European   History  Series. 

By  Samuel  B.  Harding,  Ph.D.,  formerly  of  Indiana  Uni- 
versity. 

Twenty-seven  Maps  from  the  Barbarian  Invasions  to  the  year 
1920. 

AMERICAN 

American  History  Series. 

Twenty  Maps  by 

Albert    Bushnell    Hart,    Ph.D.,    LL.D.,    Harvard    Uni- 
versity. 

Assisted  by 

David  Maydole  Mattesox,  A.  M.,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Four  Maps  (Al,  A2,  A3  and  A6)  by 

Herbert  Eugene  Bolton,  Ph.D.,  University  of  California. 
Twenty-four  Maps.     More  to  follow. 

WORLD 

In  preparation. 

DENOYER-GEPPERT  COMPANY 

School    Map    Publishers 

460  E.  OHIO  ST.  CHICAGO,  U.  S.  A. 

Grand  Central   Palace,   New  York 


PUBLISHER'S  NOTE 

The  announcement  on  the  opposite  page  gives  a  suggestion  of  the 
very  comprehensive  plan  the  publishers  have  in  mind  for  preparing  helps 
for  history  teachers.  Suggestions  for  the  improvement  or  extension  of  the 
plans  will  be  welcomed. 

To  secure  editors  who  had  the  unusual  combination  of  scholarship 
and  teaching  abij^ty  was  no  easy  task.  The  publishers  acknowledge  the 
splendid  co-operation  of  the  editors,  who  often  at  great  personal  incon- 
venience and  amidst  the  pressure  of  other  important  duties  sought  to  render 
a  service  for  the  better  teaching  of  history  in  American  schools. 

In  the  preparation  of  each  of  these  series  the  publishers  aimed  to  pro- 
duce maps  that  would  meet  the  highest  demands  of  artistic  form,  arrange- 
ment, and  mechanical  excellence ;  at  the  same  time  to  keep  the  price  of  the 
maps  within  the  reach  of  the  most  modest  school  system.  The  success 
achieved  in  this  direction  is  due  to  the  skillful  and  hearty  co-operation  of 
the  craftsmen  of  the  staff. 

The  publishers  also  publish  and  deal  in  historical  pictures,  decorative 
pictures,  political  maps,  geographical  globes,  and  anatomical  models  and 
charts,  and  will  welcome  correspondence  in  regard  to  any  of  these  items 
from  school  officials  who  may  be  interested. 

A  display  room  is  maintained,  both  in  Chicago  and  New  York,  in 
which  maps  and  pictures  of  different  publishers  can  be  examined  and 
compared,  and  at  which  teachers  are  always  welcome.  The  editorial 
staff  gladly  gives  advice,  either  personally  or  by  correspondence,  as  to  the 
best  selection  of  material  for  a  fixed  appropriation.  School  officials  are 
urged  to  use  freely  this  department  of  the  institution. 


A  TEACHER'S  MANUAL 


ACCOMPANYING  THE 


BREASTED-HUTH  ANCIENT 
HISTORY  MAPS 


JAMES  HENRY  BREASTED.  Ph.D. 

AND 

CARL  F.  HUTH,  JR. 

Profcss«*rs  in  the  Tfrnveisity  <A  Chioasro 

•'   .  •  •  '        3  ■>         . 

'      "^     -  '  ,  «        J 

O     3*  , 


'  J  '         >     J 

>  J  1 

1    O     J     ■) 


SECOND  EDITION  1920 


DENOYER-GEPPERT  COMPANY 

School   Map    Publishers 

460  E.  Ohio  Street,  Chicago 

Grand  Central  Palace,  New  York,  U.  S.  A. 


Copyright,  1918,  1920,  Denoyer-Geppert  Co. 

Price,  $i.oo 


3 

3  143 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Preface g 

Introduction  : 

I.     The  Mediterranean  World  and  the  Near  Orient 13 


2.     Greece 


E4.     Eastern  Mediterranean   

A.  Eastern  Mediterranean  in  the  Aegean  Age. 

B.  The  Greeks  in  the  Aegean — Phoenician  Commerce. 

Inset — Crete. 


B5.    Ancient  Greece 


B6.     Greek  and  Phoenician  Colonization 

Insets — Black  Sea  Colonization. 

Greeks  vs.  Carthaginians  and  Etruscans. 

7 


19 


3-     Italy 25 

MAP 

B  I.     Ancient   World    ^^ 

Insets — The  World  according  to  Homer. 

The  World  according  to  Hecataeus,  517  B.  C. 
The  World  according  to  Herodotus,  440  B.C. 
The  World  according  to  Democritus,  300  B.  C. 
The  World  according  to  Eratosthenes.  200  B.  C. 
The  World  according  to  Ptolemy,  170  A.  D. 

B2.     Ancient  Orient  and  Palestine 36 

A..    Ancient  Orient. 
B.     Palestine. 

Inset — Jerusalem. 

B3.     Oriental  Empires 42 

A.  Egyptian  Empire,  15th  Century  B.  C. 

B.  Assyrian  Empire,  7th  Century  B.  C. 

C.  Median  and  Chaldean  Empires,  6th  Century  B.  C. 

D.  Persian  Empire,  500  B.  C. 


46 


49 
51 


8  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

MAP  PAGE 

By.    BoEOTiA  AND  Attica 56 

Insets — Athens  and  Piraeus. 
Alexandria. 
Syracuse. 
Priene. 

B8.    Athens  61 

B9.     Sequence  Map  of  Greece 65 

A.  Greece  and  the  Persians. 

B.  Athenian  Empire. 

C.  The  Peloponnesian  War, 

D.  Greece  under  Theban  Supremacy. 

B 10.     Alexander's  Empire 74 

Inset — Kingdoms  of  Diadochi,  about  280  B.  C 

B 1 1.    Ancient  Italy 80 

A.  Peoples  and  Tribes. 

B.  Military  and  Political  Organizations. 

B 12.    Growth  of  Roman  Power  in  Italy 92 

A.  Growth  of  Roman  Power  from  500  to  300  B.  C. 

B.  Growth  of  Roman  Power  from  300  to  265  B.  C. 

B13.     Rome ' 97 

A.  Republican  Rome. 

B.  Imperial  Rome. 

Inset — Fora  of  the  Emperors. 

B14.    Conquest  of  the  Mediterranean 106 

A.  Rome  and  Carthage  in  264  B.  C. 

B.  Rome  and  Carthage  in  238  B.  C. 

C.  Rome  and  Carthage  in  208  B.  C. 

D.  Rome  and  Carthage  in  201  B.  C. 

E.  Roman  Dominion  in  133  B.  C. 

F.  Roman  Dominion  in  63  B.  C. 

G.  Roman  Dominion  in  44  B.  C 

B15.     Caesar's  Gaul 112 

Insets — Plan  of  Temporary  Camp. 
Plan  of  Permanent  Camp. 

B16.     Roman  Empire .^ 123 

Insets — Growth  and  Shrinkage  after  Augustus. 
Prefectures  and  Dioceses  in  396  A.  D. 

Index  131 


PREFACE 

The  history  teachers  in  American  schools  are  equipped  with  better 
text  books  than  those  of  any  other  country.  It  is  therefore  all  the  more 
noteworthy  that  the  history  class-room  should  heretofore  have  been  so 
inadequately  furnished  with  wall  maps.  The  need  has  been  most  notice- 
able in  ancient  history.  No  series  of  ancient  history  wall  maps  available 
in  America  has  thus  far  represented  the  present  state  of  knowledge.  The 
rapid  increase  in  our  geographic  knowledge  of  the  ancient  world,  espe- 
cially as  revealed  by  exploration  and  archaeological  discovery  both  in  the 
Mediterranean  and  the  Orient,  has  far  outstripped  the  data  offered  in 
any  of  the  wall  maps  which  have  heretofore  been  in  use  among  the  schools 
of  America.  The  large  and  elaborate  wall  maps  produced  by  German 
publishers,  while  satisfactory  in  this  respect,  have  been  too  large,  too  ex- 
pensive and  too  detailed  for  use  in  schools. 

In  preparing  this  series  of  ancient  history  wall  maps,  therefore,  the 
editors  have  felt  that  they  were  endeavoring  to  meet  a  real  need  in  Ameri- 
can education.  Their  efFort  has  been  so  to  select  the  epochs  represented 
as  to  bring  out  a  clear  sequence  of  great  outstanding  points  or  periods  of 
history,  and  thus  to  suggest  in  geographical  terms  that  the  career  of  man 
is  not  static  but  is  always  a  progressive  process.  It  is  hoped  that  the 
sequence  maps,  a  combination  of  successive  periods  on  the  same  sheet, 
which  one  of  the  editors  had  already  developed  in  an  ancient  history  text 
book,  will  contribute  to  aid  the  teacher  in  impressing  upon  classes  the  great 
movement  and  drift  of  history  in  the  ancient  world,  as  seen  in  growth,  de- 
velopment and  decline. 

At  the  same  time  it  has  been  the  effort  of  the  editors  to  indicate  trade- 
routes,  roads  and  lines  of  communication  along  whicli  commerce  and  in- 
fluences of  civilization  moved  from  people  to  people  or  continent  to  conti- 
nent. Similarly  the  most  important  native  products,  resources  and  raw 
materials,  which  stimulated  such  intercourse,  have  been  inserted  quite 
generally.  Reviewers  have  already  given  these  economic  features  a 
kindly  welcome,  and  have  even  expressed  a  desire  for  more,  especially  in 

9 


10  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

the  matter  of  trade  routes.     Perhaps  at  a  not  very  distant  date,  further 
special  maps  along  these  lines  may  be  forthcoming. 

The  revelations  of  archaeological  research  and  excavation,  both  in 
the  classical  lands  and  those  of  the  Near  Orient  down  to  the  date  when 
the  maps  went  to  press,  have  been  carefully  considered,  as  for  example 
in  the  recent  discovery  that  the  Hittites  were  already  mining  and  using 
iron  in  commercial  quantities  in  northeastern  Asia  Minor  in  the  thirteenth 

century  B.  C. 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  grade  and  manner  of  instruction  for 
which  these  maps  have  been  prepared,  have  conditioned  their  character  in 
essential  particulars.  In  the  first  place  the  series  is  intended  primarily  for 
instruction  in  secondary  schools.  While  its  possible  use  in  general  college 
courses  was  also  assumed  and  some  material  added  with  that  contingency 
in  mind,  nevertheless  it  has  been  wiser  in  the  opinion  of  the  editors  not  to 
encumber  the  maps,  and  especially  those  of  the  Orient,  with  overcrowded 
names  which  might  be  referred  to  in  college  classes,  but  would  obscure 
clearness  and  hamper  instruction  in  the  secondary  schools. 

In  the  second  place  the  series  is  designed  essentially  for  the  class 
room  wall  and  not  for  reference.  The  distance  at  which  the  map  would 
be  viewed  in  the  class  room  has  been  the  deciding  factor  in  every  case  in 
which  the  question  of  exclusion  or  insertion  of  material  has  arisen.  Only 
in  the  map  of  Caesar's  Gaul,  for  which  there  is  a  special  demand  in  classes 
in  Latin,  was  this  principle  somewhat  relaxed.  Colors,  symbols  and  other 
devices  have  been  employed  with  a  view  to  simplifying  and  increasing  the 
visibility  and  quick  availability  of  the  maps.  Clear  ocular  impression 
on  a  large  and  general  scale,  and  not  necessarily  precise,  complete  and 
detailed  information,  has  been  a  cardinal  aim.  Thus,  for  example,  in 
picturing  Greek  and  Phoenician  colonization,  the  broad  general  impression 
of  the  extent  of  colonization  and  the  resulting  radiation  of  culture  influences 
have  been  the  essential  aim,  rather  than  a  full  listing  of  names  of  colonies, 
or  accurate  fixation  of  boundaries.  The  same  is  true  of  the  map  of  early 
Italy  (Bll). 

It  will  be  noticed  that  not  all  maps  have  been  definitely  dated.  The 
fluidity  and  complexity  of  human  development,  as  well  as  our  lack  of  full 
and  trustworthy  data  often  render  precise  dating  impracticable.  For  this 
reason  also,  the  point  of  view  of  the  student  rather  than  that  of  the  spe- 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  11 

cialist  has  always  been  adopted  in  presenting  the  materials.  Expediency 
in  teaching  has  necessarily  been  the  controlling  factor.  Thus  in  early 
Italy  the  conventional  representation  of  the  ethnic  situation  has  been  largely 
retained. 

The  editors  have  regarded  military  details  as  merely  subsidiary. 
Where  the  importance  of  such  material  or  the  requirements  of  teaching 
seemed  to  demand,  such  data  have  been  inserted.  In  place  of  more  details 
of  this  type,  constitutional  and  industrial  matter  have  been  added  in  so 
far  as  it  is  available  and  trustworthy. 

Into  such  a  series  of  maps  the  labors  of  many  scholars  necessarily 
enter.  The  editors  and  draughtsmen  have  constantly  profited  by  consult- 
ing the  maps  of  KiEPERT,  Baldamus,  Schwabe,  Sieglin,  Schra- 
DER,  Desjardins,  Putzger,  Shepherd,  Holmes,  Guthe,  Droy- 
SEN,  Reich,  Cavaignac,  Dussaud,  and  some  others  less  frequently 
employed. 

We  are  indebted  to  Dr.  Berthold  Laufer,  Curator  of  Anthropology 
in  the  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Chicago,  for  valuable  sugges- 
tions and  modern  material  for  reconstruction  of  the  map  of  China  in  B 1 . 

The  editors  feel  also  that  great  credit  is  due  the  publishers  to  whose 
discernment,,  energy  and  patient  co-operation  American  teachers  and 
scholars  owe  these  maps.  Besides  the  never  failing  assistance  of  Mr.  L. 
P.  Denoyer,  which  has  been  of  great  value  to  the  series,  the  editors  would 
also  express  their  appreciation  of  the  devoted  labors  of  the  chief  draughts- 
man, Mr.  R.  Baxter  Blair. 

The  writer  of  these  prefatory  remarks  feels  it  is  but  a  slight  recogni- 
tion of  his  colleague's  labors  to  state  that  by  far  the  greater  burden  of 
editorial  work  has  fallen  -upon  Prof.  Huth,  both  in  the  preparation  of  the 
maps  and  the  writing  of  this  manual.  Of  these  pages  Prof.  Huth  has 
furnished  all  the  discussion  of  maps  six  to  sixteen  inclusive,  and  nearly 
all  of  the  introduction.  J.  H.  B. 

The  University  of  Chicago. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION 

The  new  edition  of  the  manual  contains  only  the  changes  made 
necessary  by  alterations  in  the  third  and  fourth  editions  of  the  maps. 
Among  the  more  important  changes  are:  The  consolidation  of  B2  and 
B3,  the  addition  of  a  new  full  sheet  map  of  Greece  and  the  substitution 
of  a  new  map  in  the  Sequence  Map  of  Greece.  A  number  of  minor 
corrections  and  improvements  in  the  successive  new  editions  are  not  specif- 
ically commented  on  in  the  new  manual. 

Because  of  the  protracted  absence  in  the  Orient  of  Professor 
Breasted  any  shortcomings  in  the  new  form  of  the  maps  or  *he  manual  fall 
to  the  undersigned. 

C.  F.  H..  Jr. 

The  University  of  Chicago. 


INTRODUCTION 

I.     THE  MEDITERRANEAN  WORLD  AND  THE 

NEAR  ORIENT 

The  Mediterranean  Sea  and  its  adjacent  lands  as  far  east  as 
Persia  formed  the  imposing  stage  upon  which  the  drama  of  ancient 
history  was  enacted.  In  this  region  we  are  accustomed  to  seek  the  ances- 
try of  our  western  civilization.  The  territory  commonly  considered  as 
part  of  the  Mediterranean  basin  has  an  extent  of  about  three  million 
square  miles.  This  is  but  a  modest  portion  of  the  world  of  the  eastern 
hemisphere,  and  above  all  only  a  small  region  if  compared  with  the  areas 
known  to  have  ultimately  developed  a  considerable  civilization  of  their 
own  in  ancient  times  (see  Map  Bl  ).  We  are  in  a  self-satisfied  manner 
prone  to  forget  this,  because  in  the  main  these  other  remoter  worlds  of  the 
Far  Orient  went  their  own  way  and  developed  a  life  which  contributed 
little  or  nothing  to  the  building  up  of  that  life  and  society  which  we  regard 
as  more  intimately  our  own. 

The  outstanding  feature  of  the  Mediterranean  area  is  the  sea  which 
gives  it  its  name.  It  is  thus  prominent  not  merely  because  of  its  relative 
size,  but  as  will  be  apparent  to  any  observer,  because  the  sea  is  really 
the  great  bond  of  union  between  the  peoples  and  lands  round  about.  Its 
coastal  regions  are  so  frequently  impassable  except  with  difficulty  that 
men  were  forced  to  use  the  water  highways,  even  where  poverty  of  the 
home  soil  was  not  an  incentive  to  seeking  a  livelihood  upon  the  sea  or 
beyond  it.  Thus  this  inland  ocean  does  not  separate  but  unites.  Its  very 
name  as  far  as  we  know  that  it  was  given  one  by  these  ancient  peoples, 
would  indicate  this.  Not  until  the  third  century  of  our  era  do  we  find 
reference  to  the  name  ** Mediterranean.''  They  termed  it  merely  "the 
sea,"  or  more  frequently  perhaps,  "our  sea.'*  It  was  the  heart  of  their 
life  and  their  nurturing  mother  in  more  ways  than  one. 

While  it  is  true  that  this  great  body  of  water  links  the  ancient 
peoples  it  must  also  be  distinctly  understood  by  the  student  that  the  whole 
region  about  it  is  in  itself  a  clear  cut  unit  of  this  earth's  surface.     That  is 

13 


14  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

proven  not  merely  by  the  inevitable  tendency  of  historical  developments 
as  they  occurred  over  this  area,  but  by  evidences  from  the  plant  and 
animal  life,  and  from  its  geological  formation  and  history.  Lastly  this 
striking  unity  is  show^n  by  the  series  of  more  or  less  rugged  mountain 
ranges  and  desert  plateaus  which  shut  it  off  from  the  rest  of  the  world. 

The  sea  itself,  now  a  unit,  was  only  in  recent  geological  time  thus 
fashioned.  There  seems  no  doubt  that  once  upon  a  time  it  was  cut  up  into 
a  number  of  lakes.  At  least  it  seems  to  have  been  separated  into  an 
eastern  and  a  western  basin,  the  dividing  line  being  a  land  ridge  connecting 
Italy  via  Sicily  and  the  lesser  islands  with  Africa.  A  sinking  process 
gradually  submerged  these  connections  and  resulted  in  the  union  of  the 
two  seas.  The  process  of  subsidence  was  apparently  accompanied  by 
volcanic  disturbances,  and  volcanic  action  in  this  particular  region  has 
not  ceased  even  now.  The  operation  of  these  gigantic  forces  of  nature  in 
historic  times  aroused  in  the  mind  of  the  ancients  indelible  impressions. 
Tradition,  mythology  and  religion  show  plainly  that  both  the  Greek  and 
the  Roman  speculated  a  great  deal  about  the  superhuman  forces  sup- 
posedly responsible  for  these  upheavals. 

The  Mediterranean  as  it  now  is  would  probably  again  divide  itself 
automatically  into  its  component  basins  due  to  the  fact  that  the  rainfall 
over  its  whole  surface  is  considerable  less  than  the  evaporation.  This 
process  of  reversion  to  former  conditions,  however,  is  inhibited  by  the 
circumstance  that  the  lack  of  precipitation  is  compensated  for  by  the 
water  pouring  in  at  both  ends,  through  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  and  from 
the  Black  Sea  and  its  tributary  rivers.  While  the  level  of  this  land-locked 
sea  is  thus  rendered  stable,  this  inflow  determines  certain  of  its  character- 
istics. In  the  first  place,  it  is  a  body  of  salt  water.  Indeed  the  salt  con- 
tent, despite  the  coming  in  of  fresh  water  through  the  rivers  all  along  and 
from  those  emptying  into  the  Black  Sea,  is  higher  than  that  of  the  Atlantic 
at  approximately  the  same  latitude.  The  average  amount  of  salt  con- 
tained in  the  ocean  water  is  barely  three  and  one-half  per  cent.  In  the 
Mediterranean  it  is  four,  and  in  the  Black  Sea  less  than  two.  The  pe- 
culiar blue  color  of  the  water  has  not  been  satisfactorily  explained,  but 
it  seems  to  be  due  to  residuary  organic  matter  and  in  certain  special  locali- 
ties to  mineral  deposits. 

The   Mediterranean   is  practically   a   tideless   sea.      Where   local 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  15 

phenomena  of  ebb  and  tide  do  exist  in  a  more  than  negligible  degree,  as 
for  instance  in  the  northern  Adriatic  around  Venice,  this  is  caused  by  the 
banking  of  the  water  by  winds  blowing  from  a  certain  quarter.  Neither 
lunar  influences  nor  on  the  other  hand  strong  currents  in  the  water  itself 
can  be  held  responsible.  Indeed  the  currents  of  the  Mediterranean  have 
been  overemphasized  considerably,  especially  as  regards  their  influence 
on  ancient  shipping.  Certain  local  wind  conditions  and  other  circum- 
stances in  limited  areas  do  result  in  rapids  and  even  whirlpools;  as  for 
instance  in  the  Straits  of  Messina,  the  ancient  Scylla  and  Charybdis;  or  in 
the  waters  between  Euboea  and  the  mainland,  and  again  off  the  south- 
western inlet  leading  through  the  narrows  to  Constantinople.  These  in- 
terfered with  ancient  navigation,  not  because  of  their  intrinsic  strength 
and  rapidity  but  because  of  the  primitive  means  of  navigation  employed 
and  the  extreme  timidity  of  the  ancient  sailors. 

The  Mediterranean  world  also  possesses  a  climatic  uniformity.  The 
entire  region  participates  in  what  is  called  maritime  climate  exhibiting  on 
the  whole  remarkable  steadiness  of  wind  and  weather  conditions.  Only 
as  one  passes  further  on  to  the  eastern  portions  of  the  sea  does  it  assume 
a  more  continental  character.  To  the  northern  European  visitor  the 
seasons  in  the  Mediterranean  have  always  been  an  object  of  unusual 
interest  because  of  their  lack  of  sharp  definition.  While  the  Greek  and 
Roman  knew  in  reality  only  two  periods  in  the  climatic  year,  the  North- 
erner was  accustomed  to  four.  Summer  and  winter  in  the  Mediterranean 
world  quite  imperceptibly  merge  into  each  other  without  any  intermediate 
season.  The  relatively  greater  warmth  of  Mediterranean  lands  was  also 
always  noted.  This  is  due  not  to  mere  latitude  but  to  special  circum- 
stances, especially  the  mountain  protection  against  the  raw  winds  of  the 
north,  the  nearness  of  large  overheated  desert  sections  to  the  south,  the 
general  west-easterly  orientation  of  the  whole  region  which  gives  free 
play  to  mild  ocean  breezes.  Because  of  these  conditions  and  certain 
characteristics  of  the  wind,  summer  weather  during  four  months  of  the 
year  produces  such  a  degree  of  drought  and  desiccation  that  the  whole 
plant  hfe  and  to  a  degree  even  animal  and  human  existence  is  profoundly 
affected.  One  might  say  that  in  place  of  the  winter  sleep  familiar  to  the 
northern  European,  the  Mediterranean  territory  has  its  time  of  summer 
rest.     The  great  period  of  bloom  and  fertility  is  the  winter  with  its  rains 


16  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

and  freedom  from  the  parching  rays  of  the  sun.  Snowfall  is  very  rare 
over  the  whole  region  except  in  the  higher  altitudes.  (On  this  situation 
with  especial  reference  to  Italy  see  NiSSEN,  Italische  Landeskunde.) 
At  the  same  time  the  annual  variation  in  temperature  is  small,  so  that, 
taking  all  conditions  together,  plant  and  animal  life,  excepting  in  the 
months  of  drought,  are  greatly  favored  and  quite  plentiful. 

Considering  the  entire  area  and  for  our  present  purpose  without 
attempting  an  exhaustive  catalogue  of  resources  and  products,  the  fol- 
lowing items  may  be  set  down  as  representing  the  mainstays  of  ancient 
life  and  commerce.  Among  grains  there  were  barley,  wheat  and  spelt; 
besides  these  there  was  timber,  not  of  very  good  varieties,  and  plentiful 
building  stone,  both  the  common  and  finer  grades,  especially  marble;  also 
potter's  clay  in  abundance.  Of  other  mineral  substances  there  were  gold 
and  silver,  iron,  copper,  lead,  and  sulphur;  of  animal  products,  besides 
meat  and  hides,  wool,  cheese,  and  the  purple  dye;  a  large  variety  of 
vegetables  and  fruit,  though  some  now  especially  associated  with  this 
area,  such  as  the  lemon,  the  orange  and  the  peach,  did  not  come  in  until 
rather  late  in  ancient  times.  The  sea  was  used  not  merely  for  communi- 
cation and  transport,  but  as  a  source  of  food  materials  as  well.  Above 
all  its  salt  content  was  very  early  and  consistently  exploited,  while  the 
fisheries,  though  perhaps  not  commonly  employed  by  the  earliest  Greeks, 
furnished  an  ample  supply  of  food  especially  for  the  poorer  classes.  The 
most  important  prize  of  the  sea  was  the  tunny,  which  to  the  ancients  was 
as  useful  as  to  us  the  herring,  cod  and  salmon  combined.  The  anchovy 
and  sardine  were  also  much  used. 

While  the  sea  thus  bound  together  and  to  a  considerable  degree  fed 
and  provided  the  population  dwelling  about  it,  these  peoples  on  the  whole 
can  not  be  said  to  have  taken  readily  or  confidently  to  a  maritime  career. 
The  earliest  sea-going  ships  built  on  the  Nile  appeared  in  the  eastern 
Mediterranean  not  long  before  3000  B.C.,  but  this  new  art  of  navigation, 
first  practiced  by  the  Egyptians,  developed  very  slowly.  It  is  true,  neces- 
sity made  the  Phoenician  and  the  Greek,  both  east  and  west,  a  people  of 
the  sea;  but  the  Roman  never  took  kindly  to  seafaring,  either  for  travel 
or  for  business.  The  ancient  peoples  of  this  area  seem  generally  to  have 
clung  pretty  close  to  the  shores  whenever  circumstances  forced  them  to 
take  to  the  water.     This  is  important  in  a  consideration  both  of  ancient 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  17 

commerce  and  colonization.  The  modern  principle  of  navigation,  that 
the  open  sea  is  far  less  dangerous  than  the  waters  off  shore,  they  never 
seem  to  have  grasped.  They  feared  the  power  of  the  turbulent  element, 
less  perhaps  from  ignorance  of  more  developed  means  and  methods  of 
navigation  than  from  awe  of  the  incalculable  forces  of  nature  and  the  anger 
of  the  spirits  of  the  deep.  This  attitude  is  quite  striking  and  can  be 
illustrated  from  contemporary  tradition  and  folklore.  The  student  will 
be  interested  in  comparing  this  timidity  with  the  daring  of  the  northern 
Germanic  stock  in  the  face  of  a  certainly  much  more  dangerous  body  of 
water,  and  with  less  rather  than  more  knowledge  of  the  ordinary  aids  to 
navigation. 

When  the  student  of  antiquity  views  the  Mediterranean  as  a  whole, 
particularly  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  origins  of  western  civilization, 
one  of  the  first  noticeable  features  which  he  observes  is  the  extension  of 
Europe  at  three  points  into  the  sea,  in  the  three  peninsulas  of  Greece, 
Italy  and  Spain.  These  tentacles  of  Europe  jut  into  the  sea  from  the 
north  and  northwest  and  thereby  reach  out  toward  those  lands  and  those 
coasts  in  the  east  and  south  in  which  and  behind  which  the  higher  civiliza- 
tion of  the  earliest  period  had  developed.  It  is  quite  plain  and  must  be 
impressed  upon  the  student  on  the  basis  of  a  map  that  Europe  acquired  the 
stimulus  toward  higher  development,  in  fact  a  large  body  of  its  superior 
civilization,  directly  from  these  southern  and  eastern  shores.  In  a  sense 
these  peninsulas,  especially  the  easternmost,  acted  as  highways  along  which 
the  influences  of  the  east  traveled  to  the  opposite  coastlands  of  the  sea  and 
into  the  areas  beyond.  The  higher  civilization  was  acquired  by  each 
peninsula  in  turn,  the  movement  being  from  east  to  west.  It  is  further  a 
fact  worth  noting  that  while  the  ethnic  elements  in  each  came  chiefly  from 
northern  Europe,  and  so  to  speak  filtered  into  the  peninsulas  from  the 
north  and  northeast,  the  culture  and  most  higher  aspects  of  life,  including 
also  political  institutions,  to  a  considerable  degree  were  derived  from  the 
south  and  east. 

The  next  prominent  feature  of  the  Mediterranean  world  as  a  whole 
is  the  fact  that  the  southern  shores  of  the  sea  are  flanked  by  a  vast  desert 
which  extends  from  the  Atlantic  on  the  west,  eastward  across  northern 
Africa  to  the  Red  Sea,  and  appears  again  on  the  Asiatic  side  of  this. sea 
where  it  stretches  on  eastward  and  northward  across  Arabia,  and  with 


18  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

some  interruptions  continues  northeastward  far  into  the  heart  of  Asia. 
The  hinterland,  therefore,  along  the  entire  south  shore  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, is  a  desert,  which  confined  settlers  on  this  coast  to  a  narrow  shore 
line,  thus  forcing  any  aggressive  p>eople,  like  the  Carthaginians,  to  expan- 
sion seaward.  Hence  the  Carthaginians  endeavored  to  appropriate  Sicily, 
Sardinia,  Corsica  and  Spain.  It  is  of  primary  importance  to  note,  there- 
fore, that  no  great  national  expansion  inward  into  Africa  was  possible  on 
the  southern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  only  exception  to  this 
remark  is  at  the  southeastern  corner  of  the  Mediterranean,  where  the  Nile 
valley  furnishes  an  avenue  into  Africa.  But  even  here,  the  cataracts  of 
the  Nile,  which  are  mostly  unnavigable,  form  a  very  serious  barrier  be- 
tween the  Mediterranean  world  and  inner  Africa,  a  barrier  which  is  not 
wholly  overcome  even  at  the  present  day.  It  was  here  in  this  south- 
eastern corner  of  the  Mediterranean,  in  the  lower  (upper  on  the  map) 
reaches  of  the  Nile,  that  civilization  arose,  and  passed  thence  to  the  near- 
est islands  and  the  nearest  peninsula  of  Europe  (see  Map  B4). 

Besides  being  crossed  by  the  Nile,  the  great  inter-continental  desert 
just  mentioned  is  also  crossed  diagonally  by  the  twin  rivers,  the  Tigris  and 
the  Euphrates.  On  the  lower  alluvial  bottoms  of  these  two  streams 
civilization  developed  very  early,  but  as  this  valley  does  not  belong  to 
the  basin  of  the  Mediterranean,  the  civilization  which  grew  up  there  was 
slower  in  reaching  the  Mediterranean  peoples.  It  is  very  essential  in  this 
connection  to  study  the  geographical  relation  of  Asia  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean. Just  as  Europe  projects  its  three  peninsulas  into  the  Mediter- 
ranean, so  Asia  throws  forward  another  large  peninsula  east  of  Europe's 
three.  This  great  peninsula  of  Asia  Minor  brought  the  Asiatic  Orient 
to  the  very  shores  of  Europe.  Asia  Minor  was  the  link  which  connected 
the  civilization  of  the  twin  rivers  with  the  Aegean,  and  it  was  later  Asia 
Minor  which  made  the  vast  Persian  Empire  a  neighbor  of  the  little  Greek 
city  states.  The  later  interpenetration  of  East  and  West  took  place  to  a 
large  extent  through  Asia  Minor,  and  at  the  present  moment  in  the  Great 
War,  it  is  this  peninsula  along  which  German  imperial  expansion,  rivaling 
that  of  Great  Britain,  is  stretching  from  Hamburg  to  the  Persian  Gulf 
in  its  endeavor  to  make  it  the  link  between  central  Europe  and  western 
Asia. 

Finally,  it  should  be  noticed  that  the  great  intercontinental  desert 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  19 

stretches  northward  east  of  Palestine,  and  flanks  the  entire  eastern  coast 
of  the  Mediterranean  but  a  few  miles  inland  from  the  shore  (see  Map 
B2).  This  situation,  together  with  the  Lebanon  range  dropping  directly 
to  the  sea,  forced  the  dwellers  along  the  eastern  Mediterranean  shores, 
wherever  the  presence  of  harbors  permitted,  to  take  up  a  maritime  life. 
Here  then  the  Phoenicians,  the  leaders  of  the  maritime  peoples  of  this 
region,  absorbing  the  civilizations  of  Egypt  and  of  the  twin  rivers,  carried 
them  seaward,  thus  not  only  contributing  much  to  the  early  progress  of 
European  civilization,  but  also  carrying  the  earliest  civilization  into  the 
western  Mediterranean. 

It  will  be  observed  then,  that  the  life  of  early  man  was  focused 
upon  the  Mediterranean  from  all  sides.  The  rigors  of  a  northern  climate 
and  the  genial  mildness  of  the  southern  sea  naturally  directed  the  currents 

i 

of  migration  as  they  drifted  down  into  the  three  peninsulas  along  the 
northern  shores,  while  on  the  south  and  east  the  desert,  lying  but  a  few 
miles  inland,  forced  the  dwellers  along  these  shores  into  more  intimate 
relations  with  the  sea  before  them,  rather  than  with  the  continent  at  their 
backs.  It  was  for  these  reasons  that  the  Mediterranean  and  its  shores 
became  the  great  theater  in  which  the  drama  of  ancient  history  was  en- 
acted. The  scene  of  action  in  that  drama  at  first  was  the  lands  of  the 
Near  Orient  lying  around  the  eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean.  It  then 
shifted  to  the  eastern  Mediterranean  itself,  first  in  the  islands  of  the 
Aegean  and  then  to  the  mainland  of  Greece.  Its  center  next  moved  to 
Italy.  In  order  to  understand  this  gradual  westward  shift  of  civilization, 
power  and  leadership  we  must  now  discuss  Greece  and  Italy  in  detail. 

II.     GREECE 

After  this  preliminary  consideration  of  some  of  the  chief  charac- 
teristics of  the  Mediterranean  area  in  its  entirety,  it  will  be  useful  to  both 
teacher  and  student  to  preface  the  comment  on  the  individual  maps  in 
the  series  with  a  brief  discussion  of  the  outstanding  features  in  the  geog- 
raphy of  both  the  Greek  and  Italian  peninsulas,  the  areas  in  which  the 
most  important  developments  in  classical  antiquity  occurred  or  were  con- 
trolled. This  course  will  avoid  the  necessity  of  referring  to  these  matters 
in  an  extended  fashion  in  connection  with  the  individual  maps  later  on. 


20  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

We  have  already  stated  that  Greece  received  the  first  impetus  tow^ard 
civilization,  and  later  important  cultural  content  from  older  and  more  ad- 
vanced regions  in  the  East  and  South.  The  mainland  of  Greece  is  a 
mere  extension  of  what  we  know  as  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  though  the 
exact  line  at  which  the  Greek  sphere  began  and  the  Balkan  body  of  land 
ended  is  not  clearly  definable.  As  a  rule,  however,  it  will  suffice  to  say 
that  Greece  lay  south  of  about  the  fortieth  parallel.  The  striking  feature 
of  this  peninsula  is  its  extremely  broken  and  indented  coastline  and  a 
corresponding  singular  irregularity  of  surface,  the  whole  interior  being  a 
veritable  network  of  mountain  ranges.  Thus,  while  the  whole  complex 
is  a  good  deal  smaller  in  area  than  modem  Portugal,  this  modest  country 
has  a  longer  coastline  by  a  good  margin  than  all  of  Spain  and  Portugal 
put  together.  So  cut  up  into  almost  completely  separated  valley  basins 
is  Greece,  so  capricious  its  outline  and  so  deep  the  inlets,  that  the  furthest 
point  inland,  a  spot  somewhere  in  the  middle  of  the  Pindus  range,  is  only 
sixty-two  miles  from  the  nearest  coast.  The  student  may  note  also  that  the 
peninsula  is  a  good  deal  more  broken  up  in  the  east  than  in  the  west.  On 
the  latter  coast  there  are  really  only  three  larger  dents,  all  rendered  diffi- 
cult of  access  by  rocky  approaches  and  shallows. 

In  structure,  climate  and  population  this  region  is  merely  a  transi- 
tional area  between  Asia  and  Europe.  Indeed,  in  geological  time,  seem- 
ingly in  the  late  Tertiary  age,  this  peninsula  was  part  of  a  broad  and 
mountain-ribbed  land-bridge  connecting  the  two  continents.  The  break 
does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  until  the  Quaternary  p>eriod.  A  process 
of  subsidence,  again  accompanied  by  violent  volcanic  manifestations,  seems 
then  to  have  formed  the  Aegean  and  opened  the  communication  to  the 
Black  Sea.  The  only  outstanding  evidences  of  the  former  situation  are 
the  islands  of  the  Aegean  and  eastern  Mediterranean,  fragments  of  former 
mountain  ranges.  Even  now,  therefore,  it  is  not  difficult  for  the  student 
to  follow  out  these  mountains  which  must  have  presented  a  compact  and 
connected  mass  from  the  Julian  Alps  to  the  Taurus. 

The  soil  of  Greece  consists  largely  of  cretaceous  deposits  over 
impervious  beds  of  slate,  marble  and  other  hard  stone.  There  is  an 
unusual  absence  of  fertile  plains,  the  two  most  extensive  being  in  Thessaly 
and  Phocis-Boeotia.  (See  on  this  matter  the  map  of  Greece  by  GrundY 
in  Murray,  Hand^  Classical  Maps,  where  the  plains  are  shown  in 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  21 

green.)  The  formation  of  good  arable  soil  is  very  slow,  since  there  is 
little  weathering  of  the  rocky  surface  because  of  the  lack  of  moisture  in 
the  air  or  a  steady  rainfall.  Alluvial  deposits  are  also  for  this  reason  not 
as  quickly  formed,  though  the  rapid  mountain  torrents  otherwise  furnished 
ample  opportunity.  Of  the  soil  of  Greece  somewhat  less  than  one-fourth 
can  be  regarded  as  rich  enough  for  grain  tillage.  Another  reason  for 
this  poverty  of  arable  land  is  the  rapid  absorption  of  precipitation  by  the 
surface  soil.  The  prevailing  winds  during  a  large  part  of  the  year  reach 
Greece  after  a  course  carrying  them  from  moderately  warm  to  hot  lati- 
tudes. When  they  arrive  in  Greece,  especially  after  the  cooling  off 
process  in  the  mountain  barriers  enclosing  the  Mediterranean  basin  and 
the  resultant  precipitation  of  moisture,  they  are  practically  rainless.  The 
winds  from  the  southwest  bring  plentiful  rain,  but  the  porous  soil  rapidly 
drains  it  off  to  the  hard  stone  ledges  below  where  it  forms  subterranean 
water  caves  and  rivers.  Thus  it  is  of  very  little  use  to  the  tillers  of  the 
soil.  Consequently,  even  large  rivers  in  Greece  are  in  the  dry  months 
mere  rivulets  or  less.  They  are  not  of  any  great  size  at  any  time  if  we 
compare  them  to  the  streams  of  northern  Europe.  The  longest  is  the 
Thessalian  Peneus  with  1  1  0  miles,  next  in  size  the  Alpheus  with  75  miles. 
(Compare  the  Thames  209  mi.,  Rhine  815  mi.,  Missouri  4,200  mi.) 
On  the  whole,  therefore,  Greece  suffers  a  good  deal  from  lack  of  steady 
moisture.  This  condition,  however,  is  less  marked  in  the  west  than  the 
east  of  the  peninsula.  Here  we  consequently  find  a  more  profuse  and 
varied  vegetation.  On  the  whole  the  surface  of  Greece  can  from  the 
point  of  view  of  human  exploitation  be  divided  into  four  belts.  The 
upper  is  barren  rock  in  the  highlands,  below  it  lie  the  wooded  areas, 
partly  still  within  these  but  mainly  in  the  next  tier  is  found  pasture  land 
and  in  the  lowest  region  finally  the  more  or  less  cultivable  soil  (on  this  see 
ZiMMERN,  Creek  Commonrvealth,  pp.  39  ff). 

It  is  an  axiom  that  wind  and  rainfall  are  interdependent.  In  the 
two  seasons  of  Greece  wind  conditions  vary.  During  the  winter  the  air 
current  is  variable;  it  may  blow  from  any  opening  in  the  Bag  of  Winds. 
According  to  Hesiod  it  is,  therefore,  "a  great  trouble  to  mortals."  When 
out  of  the  north  and  northeast,  down  from  the  region  of  the  Black  Sea, 
it  is  raw  and  carries  some  snow;  when  blowing  from  the  southwest  it 
brings  warm  rain.     In  the  summer  the  winds  are  more  steady,  chiefly 


22  '  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

north  and  northeast,  sometimes  from  the  northwest.  At  this  time  the  at- 
mosphere is  very  clear.  However,  the  makeup  of  Greece  is  such  that 
a  great  deal  of  local  variation  in  weather  conditions  results.  Also,  it  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  there  is  one  great  stabilizing  agency  in  the  climatic 
factors  of  Greece.  The  sea  moderates  both  the  hot  and  the  cold  season 
so  that  the  variation  in  temperature  throughout  the  year  is  rather  small. 
As  in  the  Mediterranean  in  general,  Greece,  because  of  the  rainless 
months  and  hot  sun,  has  its  time  of  summer  sleep,  the  period  of  vegetation 
being  the  winter. 

Woodlands  were  scarce  in  Greece  even  in  antiquity,  if  judged  by  the 
standards  of  northern  Europe.  This  was  due  in  part  to  the  character  of 
the  soil  and  climate,  but  the  situation  was  rapidly  made  worse  as  a  result 
of  senseless  deforestation  by  the  peasant  and  charcoal  burner,  and  because 
of  the  destruction  wrought  by  the  many  herds  of  goats.  Excepting  in  the 
highlands  of  the  northwest,  the  trees  of  Greece  are  scrubby  and  belong 
mainly  to  the  tough  and  shiny-leaved  or  the  evergreen  species.  Hence 
timber  for  building  purposes  was  scarce,  construction  being  chiefly  of 
stone  or  brick,  this  latter  type  of  building  also  being  much  more  suited  to 
the  climate.  Better  grades  for  building  ships  were  either  closely  guarded 
for  home  consumption  or  imported  from  regions  better  provided,  as  for 
instance  from  Thrace. 

It  was  noted  above  that  Greece  has  only  a  relatively  small  grain- 
bearing  area.  Much  of  this  is  not  really  fertile  if  judged,  for  instance, 
by  Italian  or  African  standards.  The  cereal  crops  of  Greece  were 
barley,  wheat  and  spelt,  none  of  these  in  sufficient  amoiint  to  provide  for 
a  large  population.  The  lack  was  made  up  by  importation  from  Thrace, 
the  Black  Sea  area,  Egypt  and  Italy.  In  the  matter  of  the  olive  the  gods 
had  dealt  more  kindly  with  the  Greeks.  Although  not  originally  native 
to  Greece,  it  grew  almost  everywhere,  content  with  the  scantiest  soil,  as 
long  as  it  was  protected  from  the  raw  north  and  northeast  blasts.  It 
furnished  to  the  Greek  food,  lubricant,  light,  fuel  and  other  necessaries.  ^ 
Wine  likewise  was  profuse  and  came  to  be  the  everyday  beverage.  The 
Greek  would  as  soon  have  considered  going  without  water  as  without 
wine.  In  animal  husbandry  the  Greeks  possessed  fowl  (after  the  seventh 
century  B.  C),  great  numbers  of  goats,  sheep,  a  puny  type  of  cattle  and 
horses,  especially  in  Thessaly  and  Bceotia,  and  large  numbers  of  donkeys 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  23 

and  mules  very  useful  in  mountainous  territory.  This  stock  helped  the 
Greek  to  till  his  fields  and  bear  his  burdens,  besides  furnishing  him  food 
and  clothing.  In  addition  to  meat,  he  began  very  early  to  use  fish  ex- 
tensively, especially  the  tunny,  the  eel,  anchovy  and  sardine.  Vegetables 
were  profuse,  and  of  fruits  he  had  especially  the  apple,  pear,  pomegranate 
and  fig.  Mineral  substances  were  also  present  in  ample  supply.  There 
was  much  crude  building  stone  and  clay  for  brick,  besides  plentiful  marble 
of  various  colors  and  texture.  In  his  own  land  or  in  immediately  con- 
tiguous areas  he  found  both  base  and  precious  metals,  among  them  copper, 
iron,  lead,  silver  and  gold.  Sulphur  also  was  available,  and  the  sea 
furnished  all  the  salt  necessary. 

It  is  possible  to  overstress  the  influence  of  physical  environment  on 
a  people  to  the  exclusion  of  other  highly  important  factors,  for  the  methods 
of  the  test  tube  cannot  be  applied  to  human  evolution.      However,  the 
following  conclusions  relative  to  the  character  and  development  of  the 
Greeks,  as  far  as  either  was  determined  or  affected  by  geographical  con- 
ditions, seem  generally  accepted.     At  the  very  outset  of  their  career  the 
semi-nomad  northern  hosts  were  forced  to  split  up  into  many  small  groups 
as  they  migrated  into  Greece  and  made  it  their  abode.      (See  here  a 
partial  parallel  in  the  Celtic  invasion  shortly  after  280  B.  C.)      They 
were  then  forced  actually  to  settle  down,  to  adopt  the  settled  life  of  the 
peasant  or  city-dweller.     Agriculture  on  a  large  scale  being  impracticable, 
Greece  became  a  country  of  small  farms  and  homesteads.     It  has  been 
computed  that  the  average  estate  of  the  highest  census  class  in  early  Attica 
held  about  one  hundred  acres.     All  this  means,  if  one  considers  also  the 
character  of  the  soil,  a  relatively  small  population  unless  foodstuffs  were 
imported  from  abroad.     At  the  best  period,  there  lived  in  Greece  ap- 
proximately four  million  people  as  compared  to  a  population  for  modern 
Greece  of  about  two  and  a  half  million.     Importations  for  such  a  large 
body  of  inhabitants  would  have  to  be  very  large  and  could  be  paid  for 
only  by  industrial  production.     Where  this  was  undeveloped,  the  land- 
holding  methods  being  antiquated  and  the  people  normally  prolific,  outlets 
had   to  be   found   for   the  surplus   humanity.      Colonization,   therefore, 
furnished  Greece  a  safety  valve.     All  students  of  Greek  History  realize 
how  great  was  the  number  of  Greeks  thus  forced  out  into  the  various 
regions  of  the  Mediterranean  (see  Map  B6) .     Agricultural  activity  went 


24  ^  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

hand  in  hand  with  and  was  supplemented  by  animal  husbandry.  Up  and 
down  the  mountain  side  in  the  scant  vegetation  of  the  slopes  and  glades 
with  the  changing  seasons  went  the  flocks  of  goats  and  sheep.  The 
shepherd  was  freer  than  the  husbandman  and  by  habit  less  conservative, 
more  unmanageable,  an  unstable  element  for  several  reasons  in  the  po- 
litical and  social  problem. 

The  climate  of  Greece  favored  the  social  instinct  of  the  Greek. 
He  was  much  in  the  open,  loved  the  market-place  and  was  a  great  deal 
given  to  leading  his  life  in  public.  Unfortunately,  he  was  consequently 
not  very  homelike  in  his  habits  and  family  life  suffered.  The  market- 
place and  topics  of  common  interest  engaged  him  a  great  deal  more  than 
private  and  domestic  affairs. 

The  variety  of  the  landscape,  its  sharp  delineation  in  the  clear,  pure 
atmosphere,  its  high  lights  and  bright  colors,  stimulated  a  love  for  beauty 
and  an  artistic  appreciation  which  was  again  inchned  to  find  a  public  and 
communal  rather  than  private  expression. 

The  Greeks  were  great  traders.  The  poverty  of  their  country  forced 
them  to  seek  a  livelihood  beyond  their  shores.  The  sea  lay  open  before 
them  almost  anywhere  in  Greece ;  islands  beckoned  in  the  near  distance  to 
hearten  the  timid;  splendid  and  interesting  higher  civilizations  beyond 
acted  as  magnets  drawing  them  out  of  their  homes  into  the  world  of  the 
Aegean  and  Mediterrannean,  the  heirs  of  the  grave  Tyrian  trader. 

The  physical  environment  of  the  Greek  almost  predestined  him  in 
Greece  proper  to  the  life  of  a  city  state.  His  city  was  his  native  land. 
Brought  up  as  each  community  was  in  an  isolated  compartment,  it  never 
burst  these  confining  influences,  but  fought  hard  against  those  whom  a 
more  fortunate  position  and  contact  with  a  larger  world  were  leading 
outside  and  beyond  this  city  ideal.  Sectionalism,  local  patriotism,  the 
ideals  of  the  particularist  community — these  were  the  restraining  bonds 
which  no  force  in  Greek  life  was  ever  able  to  break.  They  rendered 
him  incapable  of  undertaking  or  long  pursuing  any  great  common  national 
Hellenic  ideal  including  all  men  of  Greek  speech.  His  loyalty  to  the 
city  state  and  the  individualistic,  quasi-democratic  forms  it  made  possible, 
is  touching  and  sometimes  sublime.  In  the  end  this  loyalty  defeated  itself 
and  baffled  all  efforts  toward  a  great  Greek  nation,  a  United  States  of 
the  Greeks. 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  25 


III.     ITALY 


The  Near  Orient  lay  too  far  east  for  its  great  empires  to  achieve 
the  unification  of  the  Mediterranean  world.  This  was  illustrated  by  the 
failure  of  Persia's  European  campaigns,  and  the  inability  of  the  Ptolemies 
to  control  the  western  Mediterranean  with  their  fleets.  The  Greek  penin- 
sula and  islands  were  also  much  too  far  east  for  easy  control  of  the  whole 
Mediterranean.  The  unification  of  the  Mediterranean  world  in  a  political 
sense,  therefore,  was  not  achieved  by  the  Greeks — even  its  Hellenization, 
while  advanced  to  a  remarkable  degree,  was  never  accomplished  except  in 
modified  forms  through  Rome.  Italy,  however,  is  centrally  located  in 
the  Mediterrannean,  and  Rome  lies  in  the  heart  of  Italy.  Any  advantage 
of  geographical  position,  therefore,  in  an  effort  at  unification,  rested  with 
the  middle  peninsula. 

Italy  extends  from  the  38th  to  the  44th  parallel.  It  is  some  600 
miles  long  and  varies  in  width  from  25  to  125  miles,  if  one  considers  only 
the  peninsula.  In  area  about  91,000  square  miles,*  it  is  twice  as  large 
as  Greece  and  its  islands  and  approximately  the  equivalent  of  the  states 
of  Illinois  and  Indiana.  In  comparison  to  Greece,  Italy  is  a  compact 
body,  with  but  a  few  shallow  bays.  Neither  in  outline  nor  contour,  there- 
fore, as  irregular  as  the  former. 

Speaking  geologically,  it  was  a  solid  land-bridge  which  until  the 
Quaternary  age  connected  Europe  with  Africa.  At  that  time  a  break 
occurred  accompanied  by  volcanic  action  and  a  p>erceptible  raising  of  the 
mountain  ridge  in  the  peninsula.  As  a  result  the  western  Mediterranean 
found  two  passages  open  to  the  eastern  basin  and  a  large  area  which 
probably  connected  the  islands  of  the  Etruscan  Sea  with  Italy  proper  sank 
below  sea  level.  Traces  of  volcanic  disturbance  are  still  noticeable  in 
the  region  where  The  subsidence  occurred.  The  student  need  merely  be 
reminded  of  Aetna,  the  Lipari  volcanoes  and  of  Vesuvius. 

The  dominating  feature  of  Italy  is  the  Apennine  range,  originally 
part  of  a  system  running  from  the  Alps  to  the  Atlas.     Its  greatest  height 


*  This  is  without  the  neighboring  large  islands.  The  area  1  1 0,000 
square  miles  given  in  BREASTED,  Ancient  Times  (p.  486,  footnote)  in- 
cludes the  islands. 


26  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

is  attained  in  Italy  proper  near  the  central  course  at  the  so-called  Great 
Rock  (Gran  Sasso).  The  central  ridge  is  flanked  on  both  sides  by  a 
later  subsidiary  elevation  of  Tertiary  character  and  usually  called  Sub- 
Apennine.  All  in  all  about  two-thirds  of  the  peninsula  and  four-fifths  of 
Sicily  are  of  Tertiary  deposit.  Most  of  this  area,  while  it  is  hilly,  consists 
of  fertile  formations,  a  fact  which  gave  Italy  an  advantage  over  Greece. 
While  the  Apennine  with  its  dependent  ranges  thus  seems  not  very  favor- 
able to  the  political  and  cultural  unity  of  the  peninsula,  it  is  nevertheless 
quite  easily  crossed  and  hence  raises  no  barriers  in  the  way  of  unification 
such  as  those  encountered  in  Greece. 

Due  to  a  very  abrupt  drop  of  the  mountains  on  the  east  coast  there 
is  only  a  narrow,  flat  and  harborless  plain  on  this  side  which  is  interrupted 
by  the  Gargano  ridge  before  it  merges  in  the  broad  Apulian  flats.  Much 
richer  in  plains  and  in  harbors  is  the  west  side,  on  which  the  subsidence 
occurred.  Its  outline  is  more  irregular,  there  are  coastal  islands,  and  the 
hill  country  slopes  much  more  gradually  to  the  sea.  This  gives  the 
mountain  torrents  a  better  chance  for  creating  plain  areas. 

Despite  the  relatively  greater  number  of  harbors  and  roadsteads  on 
this  and  the  south  side,  Italy  is  in  no  sense  well  equipped  for  maritime 
traffic.  In  a  coastline  of  about  2,000  miles  it  has  only  one  real  harbor, 
that  of  Tarentum.  Possibly  the  harbor  complex  about  the  Bay  of  Naples 
ought  to  be  added.  As  for  the  rest,  when  the  development  of  Rome  in 
the  economic  and  political  sense,  brought  home  the  need  for  more  landing 
facilities,  both  military  and  commercial,  these  were  either  improved  or 
artificially  created.  Note  in  this  connection  Brundisium,  Puteoli,  Ostia. 
A  striking  fact  is  this,  that  a  rapid  process  of  silting  up  at  the  mouths  of 
the  turbulent  streams  of  Italy  makes  harbors  there  either  impracticable 
entirely,  or  at  least  forces  their  continual  reconstruction.  The  rapidity 
and  extent  of  this  landmaking  function  of  the  rivers  and  its  bearing  on  the 
harbor  question  can  best  be  studied  on  the  basis  of  Ostia  or  the  Arno. 

The  result  of  all  these  various  factors  is  that  the  centers  of  political 
and  cultural  development,  the  plains,  are  all  on  the  west  and  southwest 
of  Italy  which  is  turned  away  from  Greece,  and  that  for  contact  with  the 
Mediterranean  world  Italy  is  likewise  dependent  on  this  side.  The  isolat- 
ing effect  of  this  situation  is  overcome  by  the  fact  that  Italy  extends  suffi- 
ciently far  southeastward  to  bring  its  lower  end  almost  into  the  midst  of 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  27 

the  earlier  Greek  civilization,  whose  mediatory  influences  it  therefore  did 
not  escape. 

The  Po  region  to  the  early  Roman  was  not  a  part  of  Italy.  Not 
until  the  end  of  the  third  century  did  it  come  more  definitely  within  his 
calculations  and  politically  it  was  not  made  part  of  Italy  until  Caesar's 
time.  However,  from  the  geographical  point  of  view  and  considered  in 
relation  to  Roman-Italian  development  as  a  whole,  it  was  always  an  es- 
sential part  of  the  economic  and  political  situation.  This  can  be  seen  by 
the  manner  in  which  it  is  shut  off  from  the  rest  of  Europe  by  the  Alps, 
while  it  is  not  at  all  difficult  to  pass  over  the  Apennines  from  the  Po  valley 
to  central  Italy.  No  better  proof  of  the  essential  unity  of  the  two  areas 
can  be  given  than  the  early  Etruscan  state  and  the  persistent  Gallic  menace 
which  forced  Rome,  as  soon  as  opportunity  offered,  to  confirm  its  hold  on 
this  region.  Italy  could  not  be  held  securely  unless  its  northeastern  and 
northwestern  portals  were  dominated  by  Rome.  To  attain  this  safety, 
the  valley  of  the  Po  would  necessarily  have  to  be  acquired. 

In  a  similar  position  to  the  south  lay  Sicily,  which  is  really  a  part 
of  Italy,  severed  by  a  sort  of  geological  accident.  Its  relation  to  Italy 
otherwise  is  quite  that  of  the  Peloponnesus  to  the  Greek  mainland.  No 
power  holding  sway  in  Italy  could  long  delay  taking  over  this  island.  To 
a  foreign  power  it  always  formed  a  stepping  stone  to  Italy.  It  was  a  portal 
of  attack  especially  menacing  because  of  the  presence  in  the  western  Medi- 
terranean of  a  strong  and  hostile  maritime  state  with  a  foothold  in  Sicily 
at  the  same  time  that  Rome  consolidated  Italy. 

Sicily  is  geographically  in  all  essentials  like  southern  Italy.  The 
Po  valley,  however,  due  to  specific  causes,  differs  from  it  a  good  deal. 
It  is  originally  a  bay  of  the  Adriatic,  which  the  action  of  mountain 
streams  in  the  course  of  centuries  had  fashioned  into  an  immensely  fertile 
plain,  merging  toward  the  east  into  swamp-land  and  lagoon.  Construc- 
tion of  dams  and  a  slow  natural  elevation  of  the  soil  had  aided  this 
process  of  reclamation.  The  whole  region  presents  a  picture  much  like 
the  Tigris-Euphrates  area  and  the  Nile  delta.  The  process  of  land  for- 
mation here  as  there  is  not  ended.  Venice  shows  that  clearly  today,  and 
Adria  and  Ravenna,  like  the  Queen  of  the  Adriatic,  semi-island  towns 
still  at  the  time  of  Augustus,  now  have  become  inland  cities. 

The  climate  of  the  Po  area  is  continental,  since  it  is  shut  off  on  three 


28  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

sides  from  the  mollifying  influences  of  the  Mediterranean.  Thus  while 
Liguria,  the  modern  Riviera  region,  although  just  as  far  north,  has  the 
maritime  climate  of  southern  Italy,  the  Po  valley  has  the  cold  winters  and 
the  rainfall  of  more  European  climes.  From  the  4 1  st  parallel  southward, 
Italy  has  a  subtropical,  maritime  climate,  its  characteristic  signs  increasing 
as  one  passes  southward  to  the  rainless  summers  of  Magna  Graecia  and 
Sicily.  By  and  large,  the  weather  conditions  for  Italy  proper  are  therefore 
like  those  in  Greece,  though  they  show  much  less  local  variation,  and  not 
even  in  the  extreme  south  does  one  find  that  almost  complete  lack  of  pre- 
cipitation and  moisture  sometimes  found  in  Greece. 

The  resources  of  Italy,  both  as  regards  their  character,  extent  and 
accessibility,  form  an  important  factor  in  its  history.  For  the  ancient 
period  they  are  chiefly  the  following:  The  Po  valley  was  astonishingly 
productive,  especially  in  grains — millet,  barley  and  wheat  being  its 
staples.     The  rest  of  Italy  produced  wheat,  barley  and  spelt. 

The  foothills  of  the  Apennines  are  arable  up  to  a  height  of  3,000 
feet,  especially  in  the  valleys  and  glades.  This  area  is  equivalent  to  ap- 
proximately one-tenth  of  the  peninsula.  By  adding  to  it  the  plains,  the 
resulting  total  gives  unusual  opportunities  for  tillage  of  the  soil.  The 
modern  Italian  Government  makes  the  following  calculation:  Of  the 
total  area  of  71,000,000  acres,  71%  is  rated  as  productive,  16%  as 
unproductive,  and  13%  as  uncultivable.  In  antiquity  the  situation  was 
probably  at  least  as  advantageous. 

Forests  and  timber  are  more  plentiful  than  in  Greece.  The  lower 
Alpine  region  furnished  abundant  fir,  especially  for  shipbuilding;  ever- 
greens were  similarly  found  in  the  upper  belts  of  the  Apennines,  beyond 
a  level  of  about  5,400  feet.  Just  beneath  these,  down  to  an  elevation  of 
about  3,500  feet,  the  Apennines  are  rich  in  oak  and  beech,  the  former 
also  forming  a  conspicuous  element^  in  the  forests  of  the  more  hilly  soil  in 
the  Po  valley.  Famous  in  ancient  times  were  the  Sila  forests  of  the 
South  and  the  Etruscan  barrier  of  woodland. 

With  vegetables  the  Italian  was  always  abundantly  supplied.  His 
chief  crops  were  beans,  peas  and  lentils.  Of  fruits  he  had  fewer  than 
the  Greek,  since  the  trees  of  the  citrus  species  were  not  introduced  from 
the  East  until  very  late  in  the  Republic.  He  did,  however,  use  consid- 
erable quantities  of  the  chestnut  as  food. 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  29 

Other  importations  from  Greece  were  the  olive  and  the  vine.  Both 
were  soon  indispensables  in  the  life  of  the  Italian,  Wine  was  produced 
almost  everywhere  in  Italy  in  the  lower  levels,  though  the  best  brands 
were  those  of  the  southland.  The  Roman  himself  preferred  the  light 
varieties  of  Tuscany  and  Campania.  The  range  of  the  olive  was  almost 
that  of  the  vine.     It  also  flourished  best  in  Magna  Graecia  and  Sicily. 

Livestock  was  plentiful.  The  cattle  of  upper  Italy  and  the  plains 
were  noted;  Hkewise  the  horses  raised  in  these  regions.  The  Po  valley 
was  well  known  for  its  pigs,  fattened  mostly  upon  acorns.  The  moun- 
tainous territory  with  its  prolific  vegetation  harbored  vast  numbers  of 
goats  and  sheep  which  as  in  Greece  wended  their  way  from  valley  to 
valley  up  and  down  the  mountainside  with  the  changing  seasons.  The 
sure-footed  donkeys  and  mules  also  were  raised  and  much  employed  in 
these  areas. 

Where  the  flesh  and  other  products  of  these  animals  did  not  suffice, 
they  were  supplemented  by  fish  and  oysters.  The  varieties  were  in  the 
main  those  of  Greece.  An  idea  of  the  relative  wealth  of  the  fishery  re- 
sources, however,  can  be  gained  if  the  student  notes  that  there  are  in  the 
Mediterranean,  and  thus  largely  accessible  also  to  the  Itahan,  444  va- 
rieties of  fish  as  compared  to  the  1 00  varieties  in  the  much  exploited 
Baltic.     There  are  besides  some  850  kinds  of  molluscs. 

The  output  of  the  coastal  salt  pans  was  very  large,  and  always 
formed  an  interesting  and  important  element  in  the  extension  of  civilizing 
influences  from  the  seashore  inland  to  the  hills.  An  illustration  of  this 
can  be  given  by  having  the  student  follow  out  the  Via  Salaria  or  Salt 
Way  (see  Map  B II  ) . 

Greece  was  superior  to  Italy  in  the  matter  of  mineral  resources.  Of 
building  stone  there  was  relative  abundance;  tufa  and  tiburtine  limestone 
were  much  used  when  brick  from  the  ample  clay  deposits  was  not  wanted. 
Marble  is  chiefly  represented  by  the  Luna-Carrara  variety.  Etruria  and 
certain  islands  off  shore,  especially  Elba,  furnished  small  supplies 
of  copper  and  iron.  Precious  metals  were  not  present  in  appreciable 
quantity. 

Viewing  as  a  whole  the  economic  possibilities  of  Italy,  it  is  clear 
at  the  outset,  that  while  conditions  in  Greece  almost  forced  its  inhabitants 
to  take  to  a  life  of  industry  and  commerce,  Italy  points  its  people  to  agri- 


30  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

culture.  There  are  few  harbors  to  encourage  sea-borne  trade,  and  when 
Italy  under  Roman  control  had  constructed  new  harbors  it  was  already  in 
a  position  where  the  industry  of  others  was  made  to  cater  to  the  wants  of 
her  people.  Internal  trade,  excepting  in  the  Greek  south,  seems  to  have 
assumed  no  vital  significance.  In  so  far  as  the  road  systems  so  prominent 
in  Italy  were  not  purely  military,  they  were  used  for  the  movement  of 
crops  and  products  of  the  soil,  but  not  much  for  land  commerce  in  the 
broader  sense.  The  emphasis  on  agriculture  in  Roman-Italian  life  is 
further  due  to  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  its  accessibility  and  the  ease  with 
which  it  could  usually  be  cultivated.  Animal  husbandry  also,  either  as  a 
separate  enterprise  or  as  supplementary  to  farming,  always  insured  fine 
returns  due  to  the  plentiful  pasturage  in  the  hills. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  peninsula  is  quite  poor  in  raw  materials  for 
industrial  manufacture.  This  is  an  additional  reason  why  Rome  as 
mistress  of  the  world  lived  off  the  world's  production.  The  only  region 
of  Italy  which  ever  developed  a  high  type  of  manufacture  and  industrially 
stood  on  its  own  feet  was  Etruria.  The  Etruscan  controlled  the  clay, 
copper  and  iron  deposits  of  Italy. 

Taking  all  these  matters  into  account,  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  that 
Italy  should  have  been  pre-eminently  a  land  of  the  small  farmer.  Its 
peasant  and  shepherd  stock  give  Roman-Italian  history  its  character.  The 
homestead,  while  adequate  to  an  independent  existence,  was  not  suffi- 
ciently large  to  lead  to  ease  and  luxury.  And  as  long  as  its  hardy,  simple, 
matter-of-fact  peasant  stock  remained  undiminished  and  was  not  en- 
croached upon  by  the  development  of  large  estates  or  other  factors  lying 
outside  its  control,  Rome  seems  to  have  felt  secure.  This,  at  least,  seems 
to  have  been  the  view  of  her  own  writers  and  statesmen.  Frugality  with- 
out resultant  depressing  bondage  bred  a  fearless,  sturdy  and  independent 
farmer  stock,  feeling  gr^at  attachment  to  the  soil  which  to  them  meant 
home.  This  feeling  expanded  into  that  essentially  peasant  patriotism  of 
the  Roman,  which  is  sober  and  practical  but  very  effective.  The  so- 
briety instilled  into  the  Roman  character,  the  conservatism  with  which  it 
was  coupled,  is  clearly  shown  in  the  institutional,  legal  and  religious  life 
of  the  community.  The  talent  for  management  and  organization  which 
the  needs  of  Roman  farming  seem  to  have  called  forth,  also  expressed 
itself  in  the  political  and  constitutional  development.     Lastly,  the  peasaiit 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  ^    31 

character  is  certainly  in  part  responsible  for  the  unimaginative,  homely, 
prosaic  aspects  of  native  Roman  Hfe  and  hterature  in  general. 

The  geography  of  Italy  does  not  favor  political  and  cultural  unifica- 
tion. As  indicated  above,  the  mountains  are  no  absolute  barrier,  but  they 
do  act  as  a  retarding  influence.  Civilization  and  progress  in  all  their 
phases  are  a  development  first  of  the  coastal  plains.  From  these  they 
gradually  pass  to  the  inland  and  upland.  This  movement  is  accompanied 
by  another,  equally  gradual,  emanating  from  the  Greek  cities  of  the  south 
and  slowly  penetrating  northward,  to  cross  over  finally  into  the  body  of 
Europe. 

A  phenomenon  further  complicating  the  situation  is  to  be  found  in 
the  character  of  the  hill  population.  Dalesmen  and  shepherds  are  slow 
to  form  political  entities  beyond  the  merest  makeshift  cantonal  type.  If 
they  for  some  special  purpose,  in  an  emergency,  fashion  larger  political 
structures,  these  are  likely  to  be  confederations,  equally  loose  (see  here 
the  Samnite  confederacy  and  compare  the  hill  cantons  of  Greece).  De- 
spite this  seeming  lack  of  interest  in  anything  but  the  simplest  poHtical 
activity  and  organization  (perhaps  really  because  of  the  sense  of  inde- 
pendence and  individualism  it  mirrors),  these  populations  were  difficult 
to  conquer  and  organize.  The  unification  of  Italy  was  much  retarded  by 
them.  Another  disturbing  factor  in  the  problem  was  the  periodical  over- 
flow of  hillsmen  into  the  lower  and  more  highly  cultivated  sections.  This 
may  be  due  in  part  to  mere  love  of  plunder  and  the  attractive  influences 
of  these  areas,  or  may  be  a  manifestation  of  overpopulation. 

In  the  process  of  firmly  binding  together  all  Italy  politically,  Rome 
on  the  Tiber,  beyond  direct  reach  from  the  shore,  and  near  old  crossroads, 
unquestionably  had  the  advantage.  Other  towns  in  this  region  which 
might  have  become  its  rivals  were  bitterly  assailed  and  overcome.  Per- 
haps this  is  why  the  tradition  about  the  savage  wars  with  Veii  is  so  per- 
sistent. The  subduing  of  this  Etruscan  center  removed  the  last  dangerous 
neighbor. 

Like  Rome  the  city,  Italy  the  land  has  in  the  Mediterranean  as  a 
whole  the  best  position  in  relation  to  other  powers.  While  the  fact  that 
it  turns  its  back  on  Greece  is  culturally  unfavorable,  it  enabled  the  Latin- 
Italians  to  develop  an  established  civilization  of  their  own  before  the  test 
of  strength  came.     That  this  would  come  first  in  the  western  basin  was 


32  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

obvious  not  only  because  of  the  presence  of  Carthage,  but  because  Rome's 
outlook  was  on  this  part  of  the  sea.  Once  successful  in  this  competition, 
her  other  troubles  would  be  small;  and  her  achievement  of  these  earlier 
aims  was  at  least  aided  by  the  fact  that  Greece  was  looking  the  other  way. 
When  Greece  really  awakened  to  the  situation  in  the  west,  resistance  was 
almost  hopeless.  Rome  had  been  permitted  to  choose  her  own  time,  and 
to  face  her  adversaries  one  at  a  time.  The  Mediterranean  basin  was 
already  at  the  point  of  political  unification. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

On  the  Mediterranean  basin,  Italy  and  Greece,  as  to  their  historical 
geography,  see  the  following  selected  titles:  Neumann-Partsch, 
Ph^sikalische  Geographic  von  Criechenland ;  Philippson,  Mittelmeer- 
gebiet;  NiSSEN,  Italische  Landeskunde;  ZiMMERN,  Greek  Common- 
wealth, Pt.  I. ;  Condensation  of  this  in  History  Teacher's  Magazine 
(hereafter  referred  to  as  HTM),  V.  4,  p.  194;  also  HTM,  V.  5,  p. 
I  7;  V.  5,  p.  82;  Myres,  Greek  Lands  and  Creek  People;  KlEPERT, 
Manual  of  Ancient  Geography;  Van  BureN,  Geography  of  Italy,  in 
Classical  Journal,  V.  8,  p.  287  ff;  Encyclopedia  Britannica  under 
Greece  and  Italy;  PlayfaIR  in  Smithsonian  Reports,  1890,  p.  259. 
On  the  Near  Orient  a  convenient  bibliography  will  be  found  in  BREASTED, 
Ancient  Times,  pp.  71  7-720. 


Breasted-Huth  Ancient  History  Maps 


MAPBI.    ANCIENT  WORLD 

Main  Map.  This  map  shows  the  entire  Ancient  World  from  the 
Atlantic  Ocean  eastward  to  the  Japanese  Islands.  In  longitude  it  ex- 
tends across  practically  half  the  globe.  In  latitude,  however,  it  covers 
scarcely  a  sixth.  Not  only  did  the  Ancient  World  He  entirely  in  the 
northern  hemisphere,  but  aside  from  the  peninsula  of  India,  southern 
Arabia,  and  the  upper  Nile  it  lay  outside  the  tropics.  At  the  same  time 
the  northern  belt  of  stormy  temperate  countries  where  civilization  is  now 
highest  was  then  practically  unknown.  More  precisely  defined,  the 
nucleus  of  the  Ancient  World  consisted  of  the  lands  grouped  about  the 
Mediterranean  Sea.  Indeed  we  might  call  it  the  Mediterranean  world, 
provided  we  add  the  neighboring  Tigris-Euphrates  region,  especially  As- 
syria, Babylonia,  Persia  and  adjacent  lands. 

The  lands  around  the  eastern  Mediterranean,  including  Asia  Minor 
and  Egypt,  are  called  the  Near  Orient.  The  lands  east  of  Arabia  and 
Persia,  including  especially  India,  China,  and  Japan,  are  called  the  Far 
Orient.  The  Far  Orient  developed  a  high  civilization  much  later  than 
did  the  Mediterranean  world  and  to  no  small  extent  under  its  influence. 
The  Far  Orient,  however,  possessed  some  products  of  great  value  which 
were  originally  unknown  to  the  Near  Orient.  Among  these  were  cotton 
(India),  silk  (China),  oranges,  peaches,  pepper,  domestic  fowl  (chick- 
ens), diamonds,  pearls  and  some  other  things.  The  desire  for  these  and 
other  products  early  led  to  traffic  between  the  Near  and  the  Far  Orient — 
how  early  we  cannot  say  definitely.  It  was  certainly  long  before  1  000 
B.  C,  for  cotton  appeared  in  Assyria  in  the  8th  century  B.  C.  It  was 
not  until  after  the  campaigns  of  Alexander  the  Great  (see  map  BIO), 
however,  that  traffic  between  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Far  Orient  was 
regular  and  extensive.  Not  until  early  in  the  Christian  era  when  the 
ancient  seafarers  learned  to  use  the  monsoon  winds  of  the  Indian  Ocean 
did  commerce  with  the  Far  Orient  assume  great  importance.  At  the  same 
time  the  long  land  route  to  China  passing  through  Merv  and  Kashgar 
was  in  use,  for  then  the  deserts  of  central  Asia  were  moister  than  now. 

33 


34  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

Their  desiccation  tended  to  cut  off  much  of  the  land  intercourse  between 
the  East  and  West  and  forced  men  to  use  the  sea,  although  the  land 
route  was  still  in  common  use  under  the  Roman  Empire. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  Far  Orient  was  too  distant,  and  connection 
with  it  developed  too  late  to  affect  the  course  of  ancient  history  in  the 
Near  Orient  and  the  Mediterranean  world.  Civilization  has  descended 
to  us  (through  our  ancestors  in  Europe),  not  from  the  Far  Orient,  but 
from  the  Near  Orient  and  the  Mediterranean  world.  Our  earliest  cul- 
tural antecedents,  therefore,  were  the  peoples  of  the  Near  Orient  and  the 
Mediterranean  world,  and  not  those  of  the  Far  Orient,  from  whom  we 
have  inherited  almost  nothing  through  Europe. 

Besides  the  geographical  and  cultural  relations  of  the  Far  Orient 
and  the  Mediterranean  world,  this  map  shows  in  a  general  way  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  ancient  races.  In  the  northeast  and  the  southwest  we 
see  vast  areas  occupied  chiefly  by  the  Finns  and  Mongolians  (northeast) 
and  Negroes  (southwest).  The  leading  races  of  the  ancient  world  were 
the  Hamites,  the  Semites,  the  Indo-Europeans,  and  the  ''Mediterranean 
race."  The  Hamites  occupied  northern  Africa.  The  Egyptians  were 
closely  related  to  them,  but  ma^  have  belonged  to  the  gifted  "Mediter- 
ranean race,"  which  played  so  prominent  a  part  especially  on  the  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean.  The  distribution  of  the  Mediterranean  race  is 
still  too  uncertain  to  be  indicated  clearly  and  no  attempt  has  been  made  to 
do  so  on  this  map  (see  BREASTED,  Ancient  Times,  §334).  The  Semites 
will  be  found  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  Mediterranean,  but  also  in  colonies 
along  the  northern  coast  of  Africa  westward  to  the  Atlantic.  On  the 
opposite  (northern)  side  of  the  Mediterranean  we  see  the  widely  extended 
Indo-European  race,  stretching  from  the  British  Isles  and  the  Atlantic 
and  the  Norse  countries  eastward  to  India.  It  is  now  evident,  however, 
that  peoples  of  the  Mediterranean  race  preceded  the  Indo-Europeans  in 
possession  of  the  northern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  Greeks  and 
Romans,  both  of  Indo-European  race,  therefore  pushed  in,  conquered  the 
peoples  of  the  Mediterranean  race,  and  seized  the  northern  Mediterranean 
shores.  Later  the  Indo-Europeans  crossed  the  Mediterranean  and  con- 
quered the  Semitic  colonies,  like  Carthage,  in  northern  Africa.  The 
supposed  original  home  of  the  Huns  is  indicated  in  northern  China. 

The  silk  route  connecting  the  Far  Orient  with  the  Near  Orient  has 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  35 

already  been  referred  to.  Note  also  the  "amber  route"  from  the  BaUic 
and  the  "amber  way"  from  the  North  Sea.  Note  also  the  routes  by 
way  of  the  Atlantic  and  south  of  the  Sahara  to  the  Guinea  coast.  The 
word  "gold"  just  north  of  the  Caucasus  suggests  the  voyages  in  search  of 
the  Golden  Fleece.  The  word  "horses"  just  east  of  the  Caspian  suggests 
the  region  from  which  horses  were  first  introduced  into  Europe.  The 
word  "silver"  on  the  west  coast  of  Spain  and  the  word  "tin"  in  the 
peninsula  of  Cornwall  suggest  early  trade  in  these  metals. 

Insets.  These  offer  a  rapid  survey  of  the  progress  of  geographic 
knowledge  in  ancient  times  beginning  with  the  very  limited  world  known 
to  the  Greeks  in  Homeric  times.  A  more  extended  world  was  known 
to  Hecataeus  through  Greek  colonization  and  commerce  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury B.  C,  when  the  Greeks  made  the  first  world  maps.  Herodotus  in 
the  next  century  was  still  better  informed,  and  his  data,  for  example,  for 
the  first  time  showed  that  the  Red  Sea  was  connected  with  the  Indian 
Ocean.  Eratosthenes,  the  greatest  of  all  the  ancient  geographers,  could 
draw  a  much  more  accurate  map,  adding  the  British  Isles,  India,  and 
Ceylon.  With  many  added  observations  of  latitude  and  longitude,  the 
geographer  Ptolemy  was  later  able  to*  produce  a  still  fuller  map.  It 
should  be  noted  that  what  we  call  Africa  was  known  to  these  geographers 
as  Libya.  These  five  small  inset  maps  thus  exhibit  the  progress  of  ancient 
knowledge  of  geography  for  nearly  a  thousand  years. 

QUESTIONS 

Define  the  situation  of  the  Ancient  World.  What  is  chiefly  included 
by  the  term  Near  Orient?  The  Far  Orient?  Which  developed  civiliza- 
tion first?  Mention  some  products  contributed  by  the  Far  Orient  to  the 
Mediterranean  world.  When  did  commerce  between  the  Far  Orient  and 
the  Mediterranean  become  regular  and  extensive?  What  routes  did  this 
commerce  follow?  Did  intercourse  with  the  Far  Orient  affect  the  course 
of  ai  cient  history  in  the  Near  Orient  and  the  Mediterranean  lands?  From 
wha  regions  then  has  our  own  civilization  descended?  Where  did  our 
cultiral  ancestors  dwell?  Recount  briefly  the  distribution  of  the  leading 
race'  of  the  Ancient  World.  Trace  the  growing  geographical  knowledge 
of  the  ancients  themselves,  as  shown  by  the  inset  maps  of  the  early  Greek 
geographers  and  historians. 


MAP  B2.     ANCIENT  ORIENT  AND  PALESTINE 

Main  Map.  This  shows  us  what  we  have  already  defined  as  the 
"Near  Orient,"  that  is,  the  lands  around  the  eastern  end  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea,  including  some  regions  a  little  further  east,  especially  the 
Tigris-Euphrates  world  with  Armenia,  Media,  Persia  and  Arabia.  In 
the  main  the  Noar  Orient  is  a  region  of  mountains  and  plateaus  in  the 
north,  and  of  desert  in  the  south.  Racially  the  desert  south  was  the 
home  of  the  Semites,  as  it  is  today;  while  the  mountainous  north  was  in- 
habited by  a  numerous  group  of  non-semitic  peoples.  We  recall  that 
the  Nile  valley  was  inhabited  by  a  Hamitic  people,  perhaps  originally  of 
Mediterranean  race. 

Civilization  arose  first  on  the  Nile,  with  the  discovery  of  metal  and 
the  invention  of  writing  toward  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  millennium 
B.  C,  if  not  earlier.  Not  long  afterward  similar  progress  was  also  made 
in  Babylonia  on  the  lower  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  Down  to  the  sixteenth 
century  B.  C.  the  nations  of  these  two  valleys,  the  Nile  valley  and  the 
Tigris-Euphrates  valley,  did  not  come  into  hostile  contact  in  their  compe- 
tition for  the  supremacy  of  the  Near  Orient.  After  that  time  there  was 
long  conflict  between  Egypt  and  western  Asia  for  the  leadership  of  the 
Near  Orient. 

The  Mediterranean  has  always  been  a  very  important  feature  of  the 
Near  Orient,  into  which  its  eastern  end  deeply  penetrates.  The  earliest 
sea-going  ships — those  of  Egypt — appeared  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean 
as  far  back  as  3000  B.  C,  and  probably  earlier.  Into  these  oriental 
waters,  so  early  traversed  by  oriental  commerce,  it  should  be  particularly 
noticed  that  Europe  thrusts  forward  the  Graeco-Balkan  Peninsula,  with 
outlying  islands,  which  carried  Europe  still  further  out  into  this  world  of 
oriental  sea  traffic.  We  must  especially  notice,  then,  the  southea'Jtern 
island  outposts  of  Europe  belong  to  the  world  of  the  Near  Orient.  It 
was  on  these  islands,  especially  the  outermost,  Crete,  that  Europe  first 
received  civilization,  chiefly  as  a  result  of  Egyptian  commerce  on  the 
Mediterranean. 

36  "  ' 


'      TEACHERS  MANUAL  37 

% 

At  the  same  time  it  is  important  to  observe  that  western  Asia  pro- 
jects far  westward  on  the  north  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean.  There  the 
peninsula  of  Asia  Minor  extends  to  the  Aegean  Sea  and  looks  across  to 
southeastern  Europe,  distant  only  a  short  voyage  through  the  Greek 
islands;  while  further  north  Asia  is  separated  from  Europe  only  by  the 
Dardanelles  and  the  Bosphorus.  Asia  Minor  thus  became  another  very 
important  link  between  early  Europe  and  the  Near  Orient  in  western 
Asia.  Through  Asia  Minor,  therefore,  the  influence  of  Assyria,  Baby- 
lonia and  the  entire  Tigris-Euphrates  world  early  reached  Europe.*  On 
the  relation  of  this  Tigris-Euphrates  world  with  the  desert  along  which 
it  lies,  forming  together  with  Syria-Palestine  a  cultivable  fringe  of  the 
desert,  suggesting  a  crescent  in  shape,  which  may  conveniently  be  called 
the  Fertile  CrescenU  see  BREASTED,  Ancient  Times,  pp.  100-101.  Its 
situation  and  extent  will  be  found  indicated  by  blue  dots  more  clearly  on 
the  four  maps  shown  on  sheet  B3.  The  early  history  of  this  region  was 
to  a  large  extent  a  struggle  between  the  desert  Semites  of  the  south,  and 
the  non-Semitic  mountaineers  of  the  north  for  the  possession  of  the  Fertile 
Crescent. 

Ancient  Egypt.  The  Egyptian  end  of  the  Nile  valley  is  a 
great  winding  trench  cut  across  the  high  sandstone  and  limestone  plateau 
of  the  Sahara  from  south  to  north.  At  the  bottom  of  the  trench  lies  the 
level  floor  of  rich  alluvian  brought  down  from  Abyssinia  by  the  Nile. 
Egypt  consists,  therefore,  of  a  narrow  band  of  verdure  (green  on  the 
map)  fringing  the  Nile  on  either  hand,  and  flanked  on  each  side  by  the 
waterless  desert  (yellow  on  the  map).  Here  is  a  country  (including  the 
Delta)  about  ten  thousand  square  miles  in  extent  (a  little  larger  than  the 
state  of  Vermont) ,  which  is  some  seven  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  length, 
following  the  river,  and  is  rarely  more  than  thirty  miles  wide,  except  in 
the  Delta,  where  it  expands  to  something  over  a  hundred  and  twenty-five 
miles.  It  will  be  seen  that  a  country  so  long  and  narrow  has  little  more 
than  two  boundaries.  When  we  further  consider  that  these  two  boundaries 
are  deserts  with  no  population,  we  discern  at  once  how  completely  shel- 
tered from  invasion  and  foreign  interference  the  Egyptians  were.  On 
the  south,  moreover,  they  were  further  protected  by  a  series  of  unnavigable 
cataracts  on  the  Nile;  while  on  the  north,  the  Delta  has  no  good  harbors 


38  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

along  its  coast.  Furthermore,  in  the  days  when  Egyptian  civilization 
began,  there  was  no  navigation  on  the  sea,  and  hence  no  ships  which  could 
have  brought  over  invaders  from  the  north. 

Living  as  they  did  in  a  practically  rainless  climate  the  Egyptians 
depended  on  the  river  as  their  only  source  of  water,  and  they  were,  there- 
fore, obliged  to  devise  extensive  irrigation  arrangements  by  which  they 
watered  their  fields.  The  annual  inundation  of  the  fields  by  the  rising  river 
made  road  building  difficult,  for  every  road  had  to  be  a  high  embankment, 
lifting  the  highway  above  the  reach  of  the  inundation.  For  this  reason 
the  Nile  itself  became  the  natural  highway,  extending  from  one  end  of  the 
land  to  the  other,  and  large  cargo  boats  were  very  early  built  to  carry  the 
extensive  river  commerce.  The  irrigation  canals  enabled  these  boats  to 
reach  all  parts  of  the  country.  The  Egyptians  thus  became  the  earliest 
shipbuilders  and  long  before  3000  B.  C.  they  had  discovered  that  they 
could  employ  the  wind  as  a  motive  power  to  drive  their  vessels.  In  the 
earliest  sailing  ships  known  to  us,  they  ventured  out  upon  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  the  Red  Sea.  At  least  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  thirtieth 
century  B.  C.  these  Egyptian  vessels  were  trafficking  along  the  Mediter- 
ranean shores  of  Asia  and  at  about  the  same  time  they  must  have  reached 
Crete  and  the  islands  of  the  Aegean  (see  the  large  map  of  Crete  on  B5 
?^d  other  data  on  that  sheet).  These  lines  of  commerce  diverging  from 
the  Delta  are  indicated  on  the  map.  This  earliest  navigation  on  the  Medi- 
terranean resulted  in  the  introduction  of  civilization  into  Europe.  At 
the  same  time  it  introduced  the  highly  developed  Egyptian  arts  and  crafts 
into  neighboring  Asia  along  the  Syrian  coast,  especially  the  harbor-cities 
which  we  later  know  as  Phoenician. 

All  this  development  would  have  been  impossible  but  for  the  fact 
that  Egypt  enjoyed  access  to  mineral  deposits  in  the  neighbormg  desert. 
Far  back  in  the  fourth  millennium  B.  C,  perhaps  earlier,  the  Egyptians 
discovered  copper  in  the  peninsula  of  Sinai  and  learned  to  mine  it  there 
(see  copper  mines  marked  on  map) .  The  possession  of  copper  tools  gave 
their  civilization  a  tremendous  impetus.  It  was  then  that  they  were  able 
to  quarry  the  stone  from  the  desert  cliffs  on  either  side  of  their  valley,  and 
to  develop  the  earliest  known  architecture  in  stone.  Such  developments 
as  these  reveal  to  us  how  profoundly  the  history  of  Egypt  has  been  in- 
fluenced by  its  geographical  situation. 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  39 

SuMER  AND  Akkad.  The  same  is  true  of  the  eastern  end  of  the 
Fertile  Crescent,  the  other  home  of  earliest  civilization.  Here  we  notice 
that  the  alluvial  plain  was  much  smaller  in  early  times  than  it  is  now,  for 
the  two  rivers  have,  in  the  last  four  thousand  years  carried  in  new  soil  and 
shifted  the  coast  line  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  or  more  out  into  the 
Persian  Gulf.  The  map  shows  the  ancient  coast  line,  but  the  present  coast 
line  is  also  indicated  by  a  pale  blue  broken  line.  Such  a  land  as  this  is 
low  and  level  and  fortunately  so.  For,  although  this  region  lies  in  the 
Mediterranean  belt  of  rainy  winters  and  dry  summers,  the  rains  of  winter 
are  insufficient  for  successful  agriculture.  Irrigation  on  a  large  scale  was 
therefore  indispensable. 

A  glance  at  this  lower  Euphrates  country  shows  us  at  once  that  it 
is  not  so  isolated  as  Egypt,  and  hence  did  not  enjoy  such  a  protected 
situation  as  that  which  Egypt  possessed.  It  was  continually  subject  to 
invasion  by  desert  tribes  coming  down  the  Euphrates  or  by  mountain 
peoples  from  the  north  and  east.  Its  story,  therefore,  is  not  the  chiefly 
peaceful  progress  of  a  single  people,  but  rather  the  struggles  of  contend- 
ing peoples  and  rival  civilizations. 

The  first  of  these  intrusive  peoples  whom  we  find  in  possession  of 
some  civilization  had  already  recovered  the  marshes  of  the  lower 
Euphrates  for  cultivation,  in  the  region  called  Sumer,  before  3000  B.  C. 
These  Sumerians,  probably  invaders  from  the  eastern  and  northern  moun- 
tains, pushed  their  agricultural  settlements  gradually  up  the  Euphrates, 
rather  than  the  Tigris,  the  banks  of  which  were  too  high  for  convenient 
irrigation.  An  examination  of  the  map  will  disclose  that  the  early  towns 
are  all  on  the  Euphrates  rather  than  on  the  Tigris. 

As  the  Sumerians  pushed  northward  they  came  into  contact  with 
the  Semitic  nomads  from  the  desert  who  had  long  intruded  upon  the 
alluvium,  usually  descending  the  Euphrates.  The  first  of  these  Semitic 
occupants  of  the  valley,  the  Akkadians,  settled  in  the  region  where  the 
two  rivers  approach  most  closely  to  each  other,  and  which  we  therefore 
call  Akkad. 

In  the  days  of  the  Sumerians  and  Akkadians,  reaching  down  into 
the  twenty-third  century  B.  C,  Babylon  was  an  obscure  town  of  no  im- 
portance!. Eventually  an  immigration  of  Semitic  tribes  known  as  Amorites 
was  powerful  enough  in  the  latter  part  of  the  twenty-third  century  to 


40  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

make  Babylon  their  center,  and  when  they  conquered  both  Sumer  and 
Akkad.  Babylon  became  the  capital  of  both  these  united  regions,  which 
might  after  that  time  be  properly  called  Babylonia.  The  name  Chaldea, 
so  often  applied  to  the  country,  really  ought  to  be  reserved  for  the  period 
of  the  Chaldean  Empire  (see  Map  B3)  ;  for  the  Chaldeans  did  not  gain 
possession  of  the  country  until  the  seventh  century  B.  C. 

The  two  rivers  formed  a  natural  connection  with  the  country  on  the 
northwest,  that  is,  up  the  rivers.  Babylonian  commerce  very  early  fol- 
lowed this  route,  reaching  the  Mediterranean,  and  penetrating  Asia  Minor 
to  the  shores  of  the  Aegean  Sea.  Babylonian  civilization  radiated  also 
in  other  directions,  especially  eastward.  It  spread,  therefore,  by  the 
land  routes  of  its  commerce,  in  contrast  with  Egyptian  civilization  which 
was  so  widely  carried  by  sea. 

Palestine.  This  map  does  not  chronologically  belong  on  this 
sheet,  but  has  been  placed  here  because  the  space  was  available.  We 
notice  on  the  main  map  how  Palestine  lies,  a  narrow  strip,  between  the 
desert  on  the  east  and  the  Mediterranean  on  the  west.  Indeed  the  desert 
invades  southern  Palestine,  and  the  hills  of  Judah  are  largely  bare  and 
uncultivable  as  far  north  as  Jerusalem.  It  is  not  easy  to  indicate  this  in 
colors  on  the  map.  Notice  also  that  the  coast,  as  far  as  it  was  held  by 
the  Hebrews,  is  without  harbors,  for  the  harbors  of  its  northern  coast 
were  held  by  the  Phoenicians.  Finally  notice  that  Palestine  was  unavoid- 
ably the  highway  connecting  Asia  and  Africa  (Egypt). 

Small  Inset.  This  plan  of  Jerusalem  shows  the  old  castle  of 
David  on  the  east,  with  the  northern  extension  added  by  Solomon  for  a 
more  splendid  residence  and  for  the  temple  which  he  built.  A  view  of 
the  city  of  David  as  it  now  looks  from  below  the  Well  Gate  may  be 
seen  in  BREASTED,  Ancient  Times,  Fig.  127.  Since  David  and  Solo- 
mon's time  the  city  has  extended  westward  and  northward  as  shown  by 
the  pink  and  yellow. 

QUESTIONS 

Enumerate  the  leading  lands  of  the  Near  Orient.  Contrast  the 
physical  characteristics  of  the  northern  and  southern  portions  of  the  Near 
Orient.  How  were  they  racially  differentiated  in  population?     Where 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  41 

did  civilization  first  arise?  What  two  achievements  marked  the  rise  of 
civilization?  In  what  other  river  valley  did  civilization  also  arise  very 
early?  When  did  the  two  civilizations  begin  hostile  competition  for  the 
leadership  of  the  Near  Orient?  Explain  the  relation  of  the  eastern  end 
of  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Near  Orient.  When  did  the  first  sea-going 
ships  appear  and  in  what  waters?  What  is  the  situation  of  extreme 
southeastern  Europe  in  relation  to  these  waters?  Where  did  civilization 
first  arise  in  Europe  and  from  what  source  did  it  come?  What  is  the 
situation  of  the  westernmost  extension  of  Asia  with  reference  to  the  Medi- 
terranean? With  reference  to  southeastern  Europe,?  From  what  region 
did  Asia  Minor  transmit  influences  of  oriental  civilization  to  early  Europe? 
What  is  the  situation  of  the  Fertile  Crescent  and  what  lands  does  it  in- 
clude? What  races  struggled  for  its  possession?  Point  out. the  regions 
where  gold  was  found ;  iron ;  silver ;  copper ;  ivory ;  etc. 

t 

What  two  river  valleys  were  the  homes  of  the  earliest  civilizations? 
What  was  the  source  and  nature  of  the  soil?  What  is  the  situation  and 
character  of  the  lower  Nile  valley?  How  is  it  situated  with  reference  to 
the  desert?  Discuss  the  proportions  of  Egypt,  especially  the  relation  of 
length  and  breadth.  What  Hkelihood  was  there  of  foreign  invasion  of 
Egypt?  Describe  its  frontiers  on  all  sides.  Discuss  the  climate  of  Egypt. 
How  was  agriculture  carried  on?  How  did  transportation  develop  in 
early  Egypt?  How  did  this  affect  commerce  on  the  Mediterranean? 
How  did  the  earliest  navigation  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  affect  the 
history  of  Europe?  The  coast  of  Syria?  Discuss  the  influence  of  the 
earliest  use  of  metal  in  Egypt. 

What  great  change  has  taken  place  in  the  Babylonian  alluvial  plain? 
Discuss  the  climate  of  Babylonia  and  explain  how  agriculture  was  pos- 
sible. Compare  the  situation  of  Babylonia  with  that  of  Egypt  in  the 
matter  of  exposure  to  invasion.  What  is  the  effect  of  this  situation  on  the 
history  of  Babylonia?  Who  were  the  earliest  settlers  in  Babylonia,  who 
possessed  any  civilization?  Along  which  river  did  they  settle?  From 
which  end  of  Babylonia  do  they  seem  to  have  moved  and  in  what  direc- 
tion? Who  were  their  opponents?  At  which  end  of  Babylonia  did  the 
latter  settle?  What  was  this  region  called?  Discuss  the  early  history 
of  Babylon.     Give  an  account  of  the  spread  of  Babylonian  civilization. 


MAP  B3.     ORIENTAL  EMPIRES 

These  four  maps  combine  to  form  what  we  call  a  sequence  map. 
It  portrays  at  a  glance  the  expansion  of  imperial  power  in  the  Orient  for 
somewhat  more  than  a  thousand  years  from  the  supremacy  of  the  Egyp- 
tian Empire  as  it  appeared  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.  C,  through  the 
Assyrian  Empire,  and  the  Median  and  Chaldean  Empires,  until  the 
expansion  of  imperial  power  reached  its  maximum  in  the  Persian  Empire 
under  Darius  about  500  B.  C.  This  in  turn  gave  way  to  a  decline  which 
a  century  and  a  half  later  prepared  the  way  for  the  leadership  of  Europe 
with  the  advance  of  Macedonian  power  under  Philip  and  Alexander  (see 
Map  BIO). 

The  decline  of  the  early  Babylonia  of  Hammurapi,  the  result  of  one 
invasion  after  another,  left  western  Asia  to  be  absorbed  by  Egypt,  a 
process  which  was  in  full  swing  less  than  a  generation  after  1  600  B.  C. 
This  expansion  of  Egypt  included  not  only  neighboring  Asia,  but  also  the 
eastern  Mediterranean.  The  islands  of  the  Aegean  were  under  Egyptian 
rule  and  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  were  also  touched  by  Egyptian  civiliza- 
tion (see  Map  B4).  The  Egyptian  Empire  in  Asia  was  broken  up  by 
the  advance  of  the  Hittites  from  Asia  Minor,  and  also  by  hordes  of  in- 
coming Hebrews  after  1400  B.  C.  Although  partially  restored  after 
I  350  B.  C.  its  final  fall  was  complete  by  11  50  B.  C. 

Profiting  by  the  decline  of  Babylonia,  the  once  little  kingdom  of 
Assur  on  the  upper  Tigris  rose  into  power  as  Egypt  declined.  By  1  300 
B.  C.  the  kings  of  Assur  had  crossed  the  Euphrates  westward,  and  a 
little  later  captured  Babylon  itself.  About  1  1 00  B.  C.  an  Assyrian 
king,  leading  his  army  westward,  for  the  first  time  looked  down  upon  the 
waters  of  the  Mediterranean.  It  was  not  until  the  middle  of  the  eighth 
century  B.  C,  however,  that  the  power  of  the  Mediterranean  kingdoms 
was  finally  broken,  and  Assyria  became  undisputed  mistress  of  western 
Asia.  For  a  time  in  the  early  seventh  century  even  Egypt  was  added  to 
this  great  Empire  of  Assyria,  which  extended  thence  into  Asia  almost  to 

42 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  43 

the  Black  and  the  Caspian  Seas  (pink  on  the  map).  These  wide  con- 
quests carried  the  Assyrians  over  into  the  iron  region  on  the  southeast  of 
the  Black  Sea  (marked  on  map  of  Egyptian  Empire) ,  which  had  been 
worked  first  by  the  Hittites.  The  Assyrian  Empire  was  the  first  great 
empire  employing  iron  weapons,  although  the  Hittites  had  begun  to  use 

them. 

It  should  be  noticed  that  it  was  the  Assyrian  Empire  which  stopped 
the  colonizing  of  the  Greeks  eastward  along  the  southern  shores  of  Asia 
Minor.  It  was  the  Assyrian  Empire  also  which  broke  the  power  of  the 
Hebrew  kingdoms,  destroying  one  entirely  (722  B.  C.)  and  crushing 
the  other  so  that  it  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  Chaldean  Empire.  Nineveh 
itself,  however,  was  similarly  crushed  by  a  combination  between  the 
Medes  of  the  north  and  the  Chaldeans  of  the  south,  who  captured  and 
destroyed  the  great  city  in  606  B.  C.  and  founded  two  empires  (see  map 
of  Median  and  Chaldean  Empires) . 

The  Medes  represented  the  incoming  of  the  Indo-Europeans  from 
the  north.  As  they  were  pushing  southward  against  the  Fertile  Crescent, 
so  further  west  their  Indo-European  kindred,  the  Greeks,  had  begun  to 
push  southward  against  the  Aegean  peoples  of  Greece  and  its  islands. 
Thus  the  Indo-European  northerners  were  about  to  absorb  both  the  Fer- 
tile Crescent  and  the  northern  Mediterranean.  But  the  rise  of  the  Chal- 
deans who  aided  the  Medes  in  overthrowing  Assyria,  established  for  a 
time  a  new  empire  along  the  Fertile  Crescent,  and  for  a  brief  period  (from 
about  606  to  about  550  B.  C.)  the  two  empires,  the  Median  and  the 
Chaldean,  went  on  side  by  side.  It  was  the  Chaldean  Empire  which 
made  Babylon  for  the  first  time  a  great  and  splendid  city,  and  its  greatest 
king,  Nebuchadnezzar,  captured  and  destroyed  Jerusalem  (586  B.  C). 

While  both  empires  were  still  in  their  splendor,  a  group  of  Indo- 
European  tribes  whom  we  call  Persians,  vassals  of  their  kinsmen  the 
Medes,  held  a  scanty  territory  on  the  north  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  Their 
king,  Cyrus,  having  rebelled  and  overthrown  the  Medes  not  long  before 
550  B.  C,  then  rapidly  defeated  all  other  rivals,  including  the  Chaldean 
Empire,  which  he  overthrew  in  539  B.  C.  When  he  died  in  528  B.  C. 
he  left  an  empire  including  all  western  Asia,  except  the  desert  of  Arabia, 
which  was  of  no  value  to  him.  His  successors  conquered  Egypt  and 
carried  their  eastern  frontier  to  India  at  the  Indus  River.      This  vast 


44  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

Persian  Empire  then  extended  from  the  Nile  valley,  the  Mediterranean 
and  the  Aegean  on  the  west,  to  India  on  the  east,  and  from  the  Black 
Sea,  the  Caucasus  Mountains  and  the  Caspian  Sea  on  the  north  to  the 
Red  Sea,  the  Arabian  Desert  and  the  Indian  Ocean  on  the  south.  Or- 
ganized especially  by  Darius  it  was  the  greatest  imperial  state  which  the 
Orient  had  ever  seen.  It  was  the  eastern  neighbor  of  Greiece,  and  the 
great  question  was  whether  it  would  likewise  absorb  Greece.  Darius 
indeed  did  conquer  European  territory  in  Thrace  behind  Greece  (see 
map).  But  the  military  skill  of  Greece  made  her  quite  able  to  meet  her 
giant  neighbor  and  the  remarkable  march  of  the  ten  thousand  Greeks  into 
the  heart  of  the  Persian  Empire  (400  B.  C),  as  shown  on  this  map,  and 
their  safe  return  furnished  a  demonstration  of  what  a  Greek  army  might 
be  expected  to  accomplish  against  the  Persians. 

With  the  decline  of  the  Persians  in  the  fourth  century  B.  C,  the 
Orient  was  about  to  be  conquered  by  Europe  led  by  the  Macedonians 
under  Alexander  the  Great.  The  vast  empire  which  he  conquered  is 
shown  on  Map  B I  0.  Before  the  rise  of  Greece  and  Macedonia,  how- 
ever, we  must  follow  geographically  the  introduction  of  civilization  into 
Stone  Age  Europe,  and  in  order  to  do  this  we  must  go  back  as  far  as 
3000  B.  C. 

Insets.  The  small  inset  maps  show  us  the  three  leading  cities  of 
the  ancient  oriental  world.  The  first  great  monumental  city  on  a  large 
scale  was  Thebes  on  the  Nile,  which  reached  the  height  of  its  splendor 
as  the  seat  of  the  Egyptian  Empire  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.  C.  At  this 
time  there  were  no  such  large  cities  or  buildings  anywhere  else,  either  in 
Asia  or  in  Europe.  Great  city  building  with  imposing  monumental  archi- 
tecture did  not  arise  in  Asia  until  the  supremacy  of  the  Assyrian  Empire 
in  the  eighth  century  B.  C.  The  greatest  city  of  western  Asia  at  that 
time  came  to  be  Nineveh,  the  capital  of  Assyria  on  the  Tigris  (see  Map 
B2).  With  the  destruction  of  Nineveh  in  606  B.  C,  the  leading  city 
of  western  Asia  arose  on  the  site  of  Babylon  which  before  that  time  had 
not  been  a  great  city,  either  in  extent  or  in  architecture.  This  Chaldean 
Babylon,  built  chiefly  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  has  become  familiar  to  all  as 
the  Babylon  of  the  Hebrew  captivity.  Much  of  its  architectural  splendor 
was  adopted  from  that  of  Nineveh.  Both  of  these  Asiatic  cities  owed 
much  to  the  architecture  and  to  the  arts  and  crafts  of  Egypt.     The  three 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  ^5 

cities  are  here  all  on  the  same  scale  and  thus  can  be  compared  as  to  size, 
though  the  great  buildings  of  Thebes  were  not  enclosed  by  walls  entirely 
round  the  city,  as  were  Nineveh  and  Babylon. 


QUESTIONS 

What  great  age  of  oriental  history  is  represented  in  this  group  of 
four  maps?  What  four  periods  are  represented?  What  power  first 
established  an  intercontinental  empire?  What  Mediterranean  territory 
was  included  in  the  Egyptian  Empire?  What  peoples  in  Asia  broke  up 
the  Egyptian  Empire? 

Point  out  the  original  city  home  of  the  Assyrian  Kingdom.  When 
did  the  Assyrian  kings  first  cross  the  Euphrates?  When  did  they  reach 
the  Mediterranean?  When  were  the  Mediterranean  kingdoms  finally 
crushed  by  Assyria,  and  the  Assyrian  Empire  set  up?  Outline  its  great- 
est extent.  What  effect  had  the  Assyrian  Empire  on  the  eastward  move- 
ment of  Greek  colonization?  What  city  was  head  of  the  Assyrian  Em- 
pire?    What  caused  its  fall? 

What  race  did  the  Medes  represent?  What  regions  were  the  Indo- 
European  peoples  absorbing?  What  new  empire  in  Babylonia  for  a  time 
prevented  the  Indo-Europeans  from  taking  possession  of  the  Fertile  Cres- 
cent?    What  two  empires  then  ruled  side  by  side? 

What  people  overthrew  both  the  Median  and  Chaldean  Empires? 
Who  was  their  first  leader?  What  was  the  greatest  extent  of  the  Persian 
Empire?  What  peoples  were  the  western  neighbors  of  the  Persian  Em- 
pire? What  continent  gained  the  leadership  at  the  fall  of  the  Persian 
Empire? 


MAP  B4.    EASTERN  MEDITERRANEAN 

First  Map.  With  the  appearance  of  Egyptian  ships  in  the 
eastern  Mediterranean  where  they  were  common  by  3000  B.  C,  this 
earliest  navigation  resuhed  in  the  appearance  of  products  of  Egyptian 
manufacture  in  the  regions  of  Europe  nearest  to  the  Nile  Delta,  especially 
Crete  (consult  also  inset  on  this  map).  These  earliest  routes  of  salt- 
water commerce  are  indicated  on  the  map.  In  this  way  civilization  first 
appeared  in  Stone  Age  Europ>e.  Beginning  about  3000  B.  C.  the  in- 
fluence of  Oriental  civilization  went  on  steadily,  until  there  were  highly 
civilized  states  in  Crete  and  on  the  neighboring  mainland  of  Greece  which 
reached  their  culmination  in  the  century  ending  about  1500  B.  C,  the 
date  which  our  map  represents.  The  centers  of  this  early  Aegean  civiliza- 
tion are  indicated  by  small  circles  on  the  map,  the  most  important  places 
being  marked  also  by  a  dot  within  the  circle. 

These  people,  living  on  the  shores  and  in  the  islands  of  the  Aegean 
Sea,  we  may  conveniently  call  Aegeans.  They  seem  to  belong  to  the 
Mediterranean  race.  Owing  to  the  nature  of  our  sources,  and  the  lack 
of  written  documents,  there  is  much  difference  of  opinion  about  many 
features  of  Aegean  civilization  and  the  Aegean  age.  The  current 
theories,  together  with  critical  bibliography,  will  be  found  in  HTM,  Vol. 
5,  pp.  47ff.  and  p.  105;  also  WhIBLEY,  Companion  to  Greek  Studies, 
pp.  23  ff.  Additional  suggestions  will  be  found  in  Hall,  Ancient  His- 
tory of  the  Near  East;  J.  L.  Myres,  Darvn  of  History  and  Crete,  the 
Forerunner  of  Greece;  Lloyd,  Making  of  the  Roman  People.  Other 
books  are  cited  by  these  authors.  Regarding  the  peoples  and  tribes  of 
Greece  there  is  even  less  agreement.  For  short  sketches  of  the  ethnological 
questions  see  Whibley,  pp.  23  ff . ;  BuRY,  History  of  Greece;  and 

Hall. 

The  circular  spots  of  color  suggest  the  penetration  of  one  civiliza- 
tion by  influences  from  another  or  perhaps  from  several  others.  The 
spots  of  green  in  the  Aegean  and  along  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  indicate 
Egyptian  civilization  penetrating  there,  while  spots  of  buff  in  Egypt  and 

46 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  47 

Syria-Palestine  show  the  presence  of  Aegean  influences  there  by  1  500 
B.  C.  The  yellow  color  represents  Babylonian,  Hittite  and  Phoenician 
civihzation,  called  Oriental  in  the  legend  of  the  map. 

Second  Map.  This  map  represents  a  second  stage  of  migration 
and  commerce  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean.  Between  1  500  and  1  000 
B.  C.  the  Aegeans,  the  predecessors  of  the  Greeks  in  the  Aegean  world, 
were  completely  crushed  by  the  incoming  of  the  Greek  tribes.  At  the 
same  time,  by  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  B.  C,  the  fall  of  the 
Egyptian  Empire  permitted  Phoenician  commerce  to  take  possession  of 
the  eastern  Mediterranean.  The  distribution  of  the  incoming  Greek  im- 
migrants, who  had  taken  complete  possession  of  the  Aegean  world  by 
1  000  B.  C,  is  shown  by  three  different  colors.  The  sea  routes  by  which 
the  Aegeans  fled  are  indicated  by  broken  lines  with  interspersed  crosses. 

The  barbarian  nomad  Greeks  of  this  early  age  were  then  civilized 
by  oriental  influences,  just  as  their  Aegean  predecessors  had  been.  In 
the  case  of  the  Greeks,  however,  the  oriental  influences  were  brought  in 
by  Phoenician  traders  along  the  routes  indicated  by  broken  Hues,  especially 
along  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  or  by  way  of  Cyprus  and  Rhodes,  from 
which  last  point  they  sailed  in  all  directions  through  the  Aegean,  where 
they  established  trading  posts  and  manufacturing  settlements  indicated  by 
black  squares,  each  surrounding  a  disk.  Phoenician  influences,  now  a 
composite  of  Egyptian,  Assyrian  and  Hittite-Aramean  influences,  indi- 
cated by  the  yellow,  will  be  noted  along  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor, 
throughout  the  Aegean  and  its  shores,  and  even  past  the  region  of  Troy 
into  the  Sea  of  Marmora.  See  also  the  remarks  on  Phoenician  influence 
in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  in  the  discussion  of  Map  B6. 

In  these  two  maps  we  have  then  two  successive  stages  of  history  in 
the  eastern  Mediterranean:  in  the  first  the  leadership  of  Egyptians  and 
Aegeans;  in  the  second  the  incoming  of  Phoenicians  and  Greeks  to  in- 
herit this  leadership.  Such  a  sequence  map  possesses  evident  advantages 
which  increase  with  the  number  of  epochs  represented.  The  teacher  will 
find  it  very  profitable  to  explain  to  the  class  the  sequence  illustrated  by 
the  map,  and  then  to  ask  the  pupils  also  to  explain  it  from  the  map  with 
pointer  in  hand. 


48  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 


QUESTIONS 


In  what  stage  of  civilization  was  Europe  when  navigation  began  in 
the  eastern  Mediterranean?  What  resulted  from  the  appearance  of 
Egyptian  ships  in  the  waters  around  southeastern  Europe?  Where  did 
European  civilization  first  develop?  What  island  in  European  waters  is 
nearest  to  Egypt?  At  what  distance  from  the  Nile  mouths?  How 
many  days'  sail?  Where  were  the  most  important  centres  of  Aegean 
civihzation?  What  important  interpenetration  of  civilizations  early  oc- 
curred in  the  eastern  Mediterranean? 

What  invading  people  crushed  Aegean  civilization?  When  did  the 
Greeks  take  possession  of  the  Aegean  world?  What  became  of  the 
Aegeans  and  their  civilization?  In  what  stage  of  culture  were  the  Greeks 
at  this  time?  Under  what  influences  did  they  then  gain  civilization? 
What  people  were  then  the  carriers  of  Oriental  civilization  by  sea? 
Along  what  main  routes  did  their  ships  travel?  Trace  the  extent  of  their 
influence. 

What  two  stages  of  history  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  do  these 
two  maps  represent?  What  civilization  led  the  way  for  Europe  to  follow 
in  both  cases  ? 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  49 

MAP  B5.     ANCIENT  GREECE 

This  map  covers  all  of  the  Greek  World  proper.  For  a  more 
detailed  view  of  the  most  important  sections  of  Classical  Greece  the  stu- 
dent is  referred  to  Map  B7. 

Greece  is  in  this  map  not  treated  specifically  with  the  interests  of 
classes  in  Ancient  History  in  mind,  but  rather  with  a  view  to  the  more 
general  student  of  classical  life  and  letters.  The  map  is  therefore  essen- 
tially for  reference  and  shows  all  the  main  physical  features,  the  tribal 
and  ethnic  groupings,  the  avenues  of  intercommunication,  and  as  far  as 
the  available  space  would  permit  all  significant  place  names  in  the  re- 
ligious, political  and.  literary  life  of  the  Greeks. 

How  the  map  may  be  made  useful  for  the  student  of  history  may  be 
gathered  from  the  comments  on  the  maps  dealing  more  specifically  with 
Greek  historical  development.  (See  Maps  B4,  86,  B7,  B9).  At 
this  point,  however,  a  brief  explanatory  discussion  of  the  ethnic  questions 
for  Ancient  Greece  may  not  be  amiss. 

The  map  shows  the  distribution  of  the  several  Greek  peoples  and 
tribal  aggregations  as  approximately  they  had  settled  down  by  the  latter 
part  of  the  sixth  century.  A  presentation  of  the  ethnic  situation  in  any 
other  than  this  static  method  would  involve  an  impracticable  task.  The 
distribution  of  the  Greek  peoples,  especially  in  an  earlier  age,  is  one  of 
the  most  difficult  and  least  settled  problems  in  all  classical  history.  A 
really  adequate  view  by  means  of  color  is  hardly  possible  even  for  the 
age  referred  to  on  our  map,  because  of  the  disagreement  among  scholars, 
and  the  interpenetration  of  the  Greek  peoples  by  this  time.  Hence  the 
following  brief  statement  is  given  in  explanation  of  the  map. 

The  earliest  population  in  the  area  later  known  as  Greece,  of  which 
we  have  any  tangible  knowledge,  is  a  non-Aryan  race,  commonly  known 
as  Mediterranean,  Eur-African,  or  with  reference  especially  to  the 
Eastern  Mediterranean,  Aegean.  It  is  the  race  which  developed  the 
Minoan-Mycenaean  culture  as  it  grew,  flourished,  and  decayed  in  the 
Bronze  Age  down  to  about  1000  B.  C.  These  peoples  have  been  iden- 
tified by  the  archaeologist,  linguist  and  historian.  Among  them  are  some 
seemingly  known  also  to  the  Greeks  and  referred  to  in  their  tradition,  for 
instance  the  Minyians  of  Bceotia  and  perhaps  the  Pelasgians. 

One  large  element  in  the  decline  of  these  peoples  is  the  coming  of 


50  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

the  Greeks  from  the  north.  They  appear  in  successive  waves  of  migra- 
tion. Their  arrival  and  settlement  is  scattered  over  many  centuries,  con- 
current in  a  large  measure  with  the  existence  of  Minoan  culture  and 
under  its  influence.  The  earliest  comers  were  the  lonians.  They  were 
followed  by  the  Achaeans,  Between  these  two  and  the  earlier  pre- 
Greek  stock  adjustment  and  amalgamation  was  well  under  way  when  a 
new  and  seemingly  more  extensive  wandering  of  peoples  from  the  North 
began.      (About  1400  B.  C). 

In  the  Northwest  of  Greece,  kindred  on  the  one  hand  to  the  Greeks 
in  central,  southern  and  northeastern  Greece,  and  on  the  other,  very 
probably  to  the  Illyrians,  a  series  of  tribes  began  to  move  under  the  leader- 
ship of  one  of  their  group,  the  Dorians.  The  cause  of  this  new  migra- 
tion seems  to  have  been  pressure  on  their  neighbors,  the  Illyrians  and 
Thracians  by  probable  Celtic  peoples  along  the  Danube. 

The  movement  dispersed  and  displaced  the  populations  of  Greece 
in  a  direction  mainly  eastward  and  southward.  Some  of  the  Northwest 
Greeks  settled  in  Thessaly,  either  absorbing  the  Achasan-Aeoiic  stock 
there  or  pushmg  it  out  across  the  northern  islands  of  the  Aegean  and  into 
Asia  Minor  opposite.  Others,  led  by  the  Dorians,  drove  southward, 
absorbing,  elbowing  aside  or  driving  out  the  earlier  Ionic  and  Achean 
stock  in  their  path,  which  by  this  time  had  absorbed  a  good  deal  of  the 
pre-Greek  population  and  civilization.  The  path  of  this  invasion  is  only 
in  part  indicated  on  the  map.  Its  result  may  be  seen  in  the  areas  marked 
as  Dorian,  tho  the  map  indicates  only  the  more  distinctly  Dorian  settle- 
ments as  they  finally  appeared  when  the  van  of  this  avalanche  had  crossed 
the  southern  Aegean  and  occupied  also  Southwestern  Asia  Minor  (9th 
century),  and  then  slowly  had  overrun  also  the  western  coastal  areas  of 
the  Peloponnesus  (6th  century). 

A  more  detailed  representation  might  show  not  merely  how  Achaean 
elements  from  Arcadia  were  carried  along  into  Cyprus  and  Pamphylia, 
or  how  the  chiefly  Ionic  hordes  were  forced  over  the  central  Aegean  to 
Asia  Minor,  but  also  more  of  the  resulting  mixture  of  peoples  in  Greece. 
For  instance  Achaean  and  Dorian  stock  held  Arcadia,  Boeotia  and  Elis. 
Ionic-Achaean  elements,  as  shown  on  the  map,  held  Euboea.  Ionic  and 
Dorian  elements  are  mixed  in  Argos,  about  Pylos  and  in  the  South- 
western Peloponnesus.  Indeed  in  some  of  these  areas  the  fusion  is  so 
pronounced  that  an  accurate  ethnic  designation  is  not  possible. 


MAP  B6.    GREEK  AND  PHOENICIAN 
COLONIZATION 

Main  Map.  This  map  gives  a  picture  of  the  scope  of  both  Greek 
and  Phoenician  colonization.  As  far  as  our  present  knowledge  goes  it 
seems  clear  that  the  Greek  pursued  the  Phoenician  on  his  path  of  expan- 
sion until  the  latter  finally  stood  at  bay  in  the  western  Mediterranean  (see 
inset).  The  earliest  spreading  of  the  Hellenic  tribes  over  the  Aegean 
and  the  coastlands  of  Asia  Minor,  while  shown  here  in  its  later  results, 
is  indicated  on  Map  B4.  Our  information  and  the  technical  difficulties 
do  not  permit  an  accurate  portrayal  of  Greek  colonization  as  a  develop- 
ment, period  by  period.  Hence  this  map  shows  the  whole  subject  stat- 
ically in  perhaps  its  greatest  extent  prior  to  Alexander.  As  it  happens 
this  is  also  the  period  (between  550  and  500  B.  C.)  when  a  further  ad- 
vance on  the  part  of  the  Greeks,  except  in  a  small  way  in  Thrace  for 
instance,  was  blocked  by  conditions  at  home  and  by  the  resistance  of 
Persia,  Carthage  and  Etruria. 

Not  all  of  the  colonies  known  to  us  have  been  entered.  The  map, 
however,  by  the  colony  symbol  if  not  by  the  actual  name  of  the  foundation, 
conveys  to  the  observer  a  visual  image  of  the  density  and  the  extent  of  the 
movement.  The  pupil  must  be  made  to  acquire  this  realization.  Only 
thus  can  he  hope  to  appreciate  the  tremendous  popular  energy  and  social 
and  economic  vitality  manifested  by  the  Greek  peoples  in  their  spread 
over  well  nigh  the  whole  Mediterranean  in  an  age  which  otherwise  shows 
them  relatively  primitive  in  civilization. 

To  bring  out  most  advantageously  this  idea  of  density  and  all  that 
it  implies  it  would  be  worth  while  if  the  teacher  could  superimpose  any 
one  of  the  thickly  settled  areas  on  a  modern  map  of  some  sections  of 
the  United  States  drawn  to  the  same  scale.  The  inset  on  the  Black 
Sea  or  the  area  about  the  Straits  of  Messina  would  serve  this  purpose 

very  well. 

The  Greek  colonists  were  frontiersmen  much  like  our  own  early 

51 


52  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

settlers.  In  pre-empting  and  exploring  new  areas  they  faced  barbarians 
and  aliens.  Even  at  this  early  date,  therefore,  they  began  their  task  of 
Hellenizing  the  ancient  world — a  task  which  looms  so  large  in  any  intelli- 
gent study  of  ancient  civilization.  They  handed  on  the  higher  life  which 
they  themselves  had  in  part  received  from  older  eastern  centers  of  civiHza- 
tion,  in  part  developed  at  home.  For  this  reason  the  map  not  only  indi- 
cates settlements,  but  gives  in  color  the  direct  and  indirect  spheres  of  in- 
fluence about  the  Greek  colonial  area.  A  close  and  accurate  view  of  a 
thing  in  itself  so  elusive  as  cultural  radiation  cannot  of  course  be  given. 
Hence  the  map  merely  suggests,  as  well  as  possible  on  the  basis  of  our 
information,  the  areas  more  or  less  exposed  to  Greek  hfe  and  thought. 
A  closer  study  of  Italy,  for  instance,  from  this  special  angle  will  convey 
to  the  pupils  very  forcibly  one  of  the  chief  factors  in  an  understanding 
of  early  Rome  and  its  Confederacy — the  Greek  civilization  present  in 
southern  Italy  and  Sicily  during  its  whole  early  growth. 

The  Latin-Italian  tribesmen  are,  however,  only  a  small  fraction  of 
the  many  barbarian  and  alien  elements  subjected  to  Greek  influence  and 
in  turn  affecting  the  Greek  settlers.  Therefore,  the  map  gives  also  the 
chief  peoples  and  aggregations  of  tribes  with  whom  the  Greek  in  his 
expansion  came  into  contact  (see  also  Map  B 1  1  ) . 

The  pupil  ought  further  to  note  how  the  colonies  have  a  tendency 
to  cluster  about  advantageous  points.  The  teacher  must  endeavor  for 
that  reason  to  show  how  fertile  areas,  like  the  alluvial  soil  about  Sybaris; 
river  mouth  regions  from  which  the  interior  can  readily  be»  reached  and 
exploited,  as  for  instance  the  neighborhood  of  MassiHa;  traffic  points 
like  Messina;  old  highway  end  points  like  Trebizond;  good  harbors,  as 
the  sections  about  Naples;  and  other  locations  rarely  escaped  the  keenly 
practical  eye  of  the  settler  or  the  colonial  politician  at  home.  These 
considerations  suggest  economic  interests  and  motives  operating  in  Greek 
colonization.  They  further  lead  one  to  expect  colonial  rivalries.  These 
develop  very  early,  the  conflict  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra  in  664  B.  C. 
being  one  of  the  first  concrete  examples.  Other  instances  must  be  brought 
out  by  the  teacher.  This  is  best  done  if  in  addition  to  this  map  more 
specific  atlases  or  textbook  maps  are  used  which  show  the  colonies 
grouped  according  to  mother  cities  or  by  ethnic  affiliation.  The  pupil 
ought  to  be  made  to  pick  out  on  the  large  map  a  series  of  settlements 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  53 

depending  for  instance  on  Corinth,  Miletus,  Megara,  or  Aegina  and 
Phocaea.  This  will  illustrate  the  colonial  race  and  rivalry  (see  also  the 
inset  of  the  Black  Sea). 

No  attempt  has  been  made  in  our  map  to  divide  the  colonies  along 
ethnic  lines  as  either  Dorian,  Aeolian  or  Ionian.  For  these  facts  as  far 
as  he  must  know  them  the  student  can  find  ample  material  in  most  texts  or 
atlases.  In  actual  fact  most  of  the  settlements  probably  remained  pure  in 
stock,  if  ever  they  were  that  in  a  concrete  sense,  only  for  a  relatively  brief 
period.  Certainly  in  the  age  pictured  in  our  map  the  Greek  elements 
throughout  were  thoroughly  mixed  (see  BuRY,  History  of  Greece  on 
this  subject). 

The  teacher  will  note  that  some  few  Phoenician  colonies  or  trading 
posts  are  indicated  elsewhere  in  addition  to  the  general  western  Phoenician 
area.  They  are  fewer  in  number  than  older  authors  would  name.  These 
authors  saw  Phoenicians  whenever  Cadmus,  Hercules-Melkarth,  Aphro- 
dite-Ashtoreth,  or  a  place  name  defying  explanation  in  Greek  met  their 
searching  eyes.  This  view,  which  from  the  time  of  Movers  got  much 
credence,  was  later  radically  opposed.  Indeed,  authors  were  then  prone 
to  grant  no  appreciable  Phoenician  influence  at  all  in  the  Aegean  or 
Mediterranean  Sea.  Very  recently,  however,  this  skeptical  attitude  has 
again  given  way  to  a  more  moderate  one,  which  allows  for  at  least  as 
much  Phoenician  colonization  as  indicated  on  the  map.  A  new  factor 
complicating  an  already  difficult  problem  is  our  greater  knowledge  of 
Aegean-Minoan  civilization.  What  thus  far  has  been  regarded  as  au- 
thentically Phoenician  may  really  have  been  Aegean.  For  a  brief  and 
very  sane  statement  of  the  case  of  the  "Grave  Tyrian  Trader"  see  H.  R. 
Hall,  Ancient  History  of  the  Near  East,  p.  523. 

An  interesting  line  of  investigation  and  presentation  is  that  which 
shows  the  presence  of  Phoenicians,  especially  in  the  eastern  Mediter- 
ranean at  points  yielding  purple  and  precious  metals.  The  following  list 
of  localities  would  seemingly  substantiate  such  a  thesis:  Itanos,  Cythia, 
Greater  Syrtis,  Tarentum,  Thera,  Melos,  Thasos,  Thrace,  Iberia  and 
Tarshish. 

Geographical  influences  did  not  favor  larger  political  unions  in 
Greece.  This  is  especially  noticeable  in  the  early  age  when  other  factors 
increased  Greek  particularism.     In  the  age  of  colonization  there  were, 


54  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

however,  at  least  two  larger  Greek  bodies,  the  Delian  League  and  the 
Delphian  Amphictiony.  Both  of  these  were  in  origin  essentially  religious 
and  their  political  significance  refers  in  the  main  to  a  later  age.  In  this 
connection  the  map  must  be  used  by  the  pupil,  who  will  especially  be 
able  to  see  the  early  basis  of  later  Greek  confederations,  and  also  the  lack 
of  any  geographical  logic  in  the  formation  of  these  two  unions.  The 
Delphian  priesthood  is  probably  responsible  for  a  good  share  of  the 
colonial  information  used  by  the  Greeks  at  the  time.  At  any  rate  tradi- 
tion puts  it  into  close  connection  with  the  movement. 

First  Inset.  The  purpose  of  this  detail  study  is  obvious  from 
what  has  been  said  above.  It  gives  a  small  area  on  a  large  scale  and  thus 
emphasizes  the  thoroughness  and  density  in  the  exploitation  of  this  north- 
eastern colonial  sphere.  In  this  area  also  the  teacher  can  best  connect 
up  with  the  earliest  stages  of  Greek  colonial  settlement,  in  that  the 
foundation  myths  in  this  region  seem  to  indicate  two  successive  phases  of 
settlement.  The  relation  of  this  section  to  the  tale  of  the  Argonauts  can 
be  easily  brought  out  to  the  student.  Note  especially  Colchis,  the  land 
of  gold.  For  some  very  interesting  material  on  the  relation  between  the 
Scythian  tribes  bordering  on  this  area  and  the  Greek  settlers  see  the  recent 
book  by  E.  H.  MiNNS,  Scythians  and  Creeks. 

Second  Inset.  This  shows  Carthaginian  and  Etruscan  rivalry 
with  the  Greeks.  By  about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  B.  C.  Greek 
settlers  were  beginning  to  crowd  the  Phoenician  colonies  of  the  west  and 
seemingly  to  endanger  Etruscan  control  over  the  lands  surrounding  what 
later  was  named  the  Etruscan  Sea.  Possibly  actual  hostile  acts  against 
the  newcomer  occurred  in  a  minor  way  over  a  long  period.  At  about  this 
time,  however,  the  Greeks  are  for  the  first  time  really  checked,  for  instance 
at  Aleria  in  Corsica.  This  was,  however,  merely  a  prelude  to  a  more 
organized  and  concerted  effort  made  during  the  age  of  the  Great  Persian 
War  on  the  Greeks  of  the  west.  It  is  this  latter  attack  as  it  was  met  first 
by  the  Greeks  of  Sicily  under  Syracuse  and  then  by  those  of  Cumae  with 
the  aid  of  Hiero  of  Syracuse  which  this  second  inset  illustrates.  The  de- 
tails of  this  conflict  on  the  extreme  right  wing  of  the  Greek  world  and  its 
possible  connection  with  the  struggle  on  the  left  wing  against  Orientalism 
can  be  gathered  from  any  modern  history  of  ancient  Greece.  See  for 
instance  J.  B.  BuRY,  History  of  Creece.     Note  that  in  the  war  some  of 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  55 

the  western  Greeks  stand  aloof  as  neutrals  while  others  actively  side  with 
the  enemy. 

Bibliography.  The  subject  of  Greek  colonization  has  frequently 
been  dealt  with  in  more  general  and  simple  accounts.  Reference  to  some 
of  the  following  titles  will  be  of  service:  HTM,  V.  5,  pp.  109  and 
271  ;  ZiMMERN,  Creek  Commonwealth,  especially  pp.  103-20,  246-50, 
295-343;  Cunningham,  Western  Civilization;  Breasted,  Ancient 
Times,  pp.  71-90;  Keller,  Colonization;  Greenidge,  Greek  Consti- 
tutional Antiquities,  pp.  36-45;  BuRY,  or  BuRY-KlMBALL,  History  of 
Greece;  Whibley,  Companion  to  Greek  Studies,  pp.  51  3-28,  567-89. 

QUESTIONS 

Distinguish,  by  using  modern  geographical  designations,  the  areas 
colonized  by  the  Greeks  and  by  the  Phoenicians.  Where  do  the  two 
overlap  and  where  especially  do  they  become  open  rivals?  Which  areas 
of  the  Mediterranean  are  most  directly  and  fully  subjected  to  Greek 
colonial  influences?  To  Phoenician  colonial  influences?  Name  some 
of  the  peoples  and  tribes  with  whom  Greek  colonists  came  into  contact. 
What  is  the  position  of  Greek  colonial  settlements  in  the  Nile  valley? 
Where  do  Greek  colonists  meet  more  directly  the  Oriental  world  and  its 
traffic?  What  is  the  importance  of  Trebizond,  of  MassiHa,  of  Sybaris, 
of  Syracuse,  of  Corcyra,  of  Miletus  and  Aegina?  At  what  points  is  one 
likely  to  find  evidence  of  Phoenician  colonization  or  trade  ? 


MAPB7.    BOEOTIA  AND  ATTICA 

Main  Map.  The  central  eastern  section  of  Greece  shown  here  on 
a  large  scale  is  presented  because  of  the  special  significance  of  this  area 
in  Qreek  history.  Greece  faces  the  earlier  eastern  world.  From  here 
to  a  large  degree,  in  the  earlier  age  at  least,  it  derived  its  civilization. 
Outside  of  the  Greek  island  and  Asiatic  frontier,  this  is  where  the  East 
met  the  West.  From  the  very  first  study  of  Greek  development  even  in 
the  Minoan-Mycenaean  age  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  section  from  Attica 
and  Boeotia  to  the  Gulf  of  Argos  was  to  be  the  foremost  stage  of  Greek 
action  (see  Map  B4).  Few  major  occurrences  or  tendencies  in  the  Greek 
world,  either  political,  economic,  or  cultural,  between  the  Great  Persian 
War  and  the  establishment  of  Philip  and  Alexander  as  masters  of  the 
Greeks  can  be  dealt  with  in  the  classroom  without  continual  reference  to 
this  area. 

Here  we  find  the  recognized  pivotal  point  in  the  economic  life  of 
the  Greek  homeland.  Even  while  the  real  supremacy  in  the  Greek  world 
still  rested  in  the  hands  of  the  colonial  cities  in  Asia  Minor  we  find  here 
certain  towns  such  as  Aegina  and  Corinth  coming  to  the  front  as  close 
competitors.  In  detail  no  pupil  will  understand  the  rivalry  for  instance 
between  such  centers  of  trade  and  colonization  as  Corinth  and  Megara 
without  recourse  to  a  specific  map  showing  the  relative  position  of  the 
two.  The  antagonism  of  Athens  with  its  older  and  luckier  rivals,  Aegina 
and  Salamis,  both  of  which  blocked  Athenian  commercial  advance,  cannot 
adequately  be  grasped  except  by  recourse  to  the  map.  Corinth  is  geo- 
graphically the  logical  link  between  the  Aegean  and  the  western  Mediter- 
ranean. That  means  it  is  also  the  great  depot-in-transit  for  the  trade  of  the 
two  regions,  especially  if  the  student  is  made  to  realize  the  hazard  of  a 
passage  around  southern  Greece  with  the  primitive  shipping  conveniences 
of  the  day.  Corinth  by  that  very  fact  is  the  rival  of  any  power  new  or 
old  rising  to  a  position  from  v/hich  it  may  dispute  with  her  this  advantage. 
The  pupil  can  follow  out  this  idea  by  the  train  of  events  before  and  under 
Pericles,  which  illustrate  how  Athens  gradually  comes  to  be  such  a  rival 

56 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  57 

to  Corinth.  Athenian  trade  and  poHtical  power  as  soon  as  it  begins 
prominently  to  involve  the  west,  thus  far  Corinth's  own  sphere,  leads 
inevitably  to  trouble.  The  bearing  of  these  facts  on  the  Peloponnesian 
War  ought  to  be  made  clear  to  the  pupil.  These  are  merely  a  few  sug- 
gestions to  prove  the  possibilities  of  the  map  from  the  angle  of  Greek 
economic  history. 

From  a  military  and  political  point  of  view  the  location  of  Athens 
in  its  league  and  empire,  the  significance  of  a  hostile  Boeotia  in  the  rear 
of  Attica,  the  importance  of  the  isthmus  as  a  factor  in  the  defense  of 
Greece  as  a  whole  or  the  Peloponnesus  alone,  (here  the  pupil  can  be  re- 
minded of  the  situation  during  the  Persian  War)  and  the  meaning  of  an 
Athenian  control  over  Megara  and  its  isthmus  ports  in  this  same  connection 
can  well  be  shown  from  this  map.  In  the  crucial  years  just  before  and 
during  the  Peloponnesian  War  this  area  assumes  a  special  significance. 
The  map  admits  of  a  clear  statement  of  Pericles'  policy  toward  Euboea 
and  the  area  about  the  Corinthian  Gulf.  The  danger  of  a  hostile  Argos 
behind  Corinth  and  on  the  flank  of  Sparta  can  also  be  readily  appreciated. 
To  bring  out  all  these  and  many  other  factors  in  Greek  development  a 
close  use  of  the  map  will  be  of  great  benefit  to  the  student. 

The  roads  of  Greece  are  not  comparable  to  those  of  Italy.  There 
was  in  Greece  no  need  for  the  development  of  an  art  of  road-making  such 
as  that  in  Italy  or  perchance  in  the  vast  empire  of  Persia.  All  points  of 
the  interior  were  easily  accessible  from  the  coast  by  paths,  and  most  of 
the  more  bulky  traffic  over  larger  distances  seems  to  have  proceeded  by 
water.  Nevertheless  a  view  of  at  least  the  most  significant  arteries  of 
communication  in  their  general  significance  is  necessary.  The  map  shows 
these  portions  of  the  road  system.  The  religious  purport  of  the  highways 
is  immediately  apparent  to  the  observer.  Along  these  paths  traveled  the 
Greek  to  Eleusis,  to  Delphi,  to  the  lesser  games,  and  to  Olympia  (see 
Gardner,  Creek  Religious  Cames  and  Festivals). 

Since  this  area  is  also  the  chief  theatre  of  war  in  the  classical  age 
of  Greece  and  since  this  map  to  a  greater  degree  than  usual  aims  to  serve 
as  a  reference,  the  most  important  fields  of  battle  have  been  indicated  in 
the  conventional  manner.  The  campaign  of  Xerxes  in  Greece  proper, 
for  instance,  can  be  fully  explained  from  the  map.  In  connection  with 
Thermopylae  the  pupil  must  be  made  to  note  the  difference  between  the 


58  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

ancient  and  the  modern  coastline  flanking  the  pass.  The  tourist  visiting 
this  spot  finds  difficulty  in  comprehending  how  Leonidas  and  his  few  men 
could  hold  this  region,  for  it  is  now  a  flat  open  plain  several  miles  wide. 
The  broken  lines  on  the  map  show  the  present  courses  of  the  rivers,  whose 
deltas  have  filled  in  this  area,  and  also  the  modern  coast  itself.  Further- 
more a  large  portion  of  the  campaigning  during  the  Peloponnesian  War 
can  be  illustrated  from  the  details  given  in  the  map. 

General  economic  factors  are  as  a  rule  not  very  well  brought  out 
on  a  map.  It  seemed  wise,  however,  to  show  here  and  there  the  re- 
sources upon  which  the  ancients  depended.  More  particularly  the  setting 
forth  of  economic  data  in  one  rather  more  restricted  but  well  known  area 
promised  to  be  of  service  to  the  pupil.  Thanks  to  a  map  published  in 
Zimmern,  Creel^  Commonrvealth,  (2d  ed.),  this  has  been  possible  for  the 
region  of  Attica.  The  student  must  specifically  be  made  to  find  on  the 
map  the  agricultural,  woodland,  mining  and  quarry  resources  of  the 
people  in  the  city-state  of  Athens-Attica.  He  will  then  on  the  basis  of  a 
fair  sample  realize  the  economic  foundations  of  a  Greek  city.  As  for 
Athens  it  is  obvious  that  in  natural  resources  it  is  relatively  rich,  though 
not  nearly  so  well  off  as  many  modern  communities  of  considerably  less 
promise.  In  the  general  sense  indeed  Athens  is  quite  poor.  The  city 
would  never  have  attained  its  prominence  on  the  strength  of  these  means 
alone.  The  other  pillar  of  Athenian  power  is  trade  and  industry.  Her 
advantageous  location  in  this  respect  can  clearly  be  seen  on  the  map  (see 
also  inset,  Athens  and  Piraeus) .  Athens,  the  mercantile  center  and  naval 
power,  is  built  upon  her  local  resources  and  geographical  position  coupled 
with  a  peculiar  aptitude  of  her  people  which  cannot,  however,  be  reduced 
to  a  formula.  On  the  silver  mines  of  Laurium,  indicated  on  the  map,  see 
Zimmern,  p.  395. 

The  large  scale  of  the  map  of  Attica  shows  clearly  also  the  three 
regions,  the  coast,  the  hills  and  the  plain.  Also  there  are  inserted  enough 
names  of  the  lesser  towns  and  villages,  which  went  to  make  up  the  city, 
to  enable  the  teacher  to  give  the  pupil  a  reasonably  adequate  idea  of  the 
structure  of  the  Athenian  Commonwealth,  as,  for  example,  it  was  after 
the  reforms  by  Cleisthenes.  An  exercise  of  this  sort  might  make  use  also 
of  the  plan  of  Athens  (see  Map  B8)  where  several  of  the  demes  are 
given  by  name.     Together  with  the  economic  data  furnished,  such  a  dem- 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  59 

onstration  ought  to  make  quite  clear  the  possible  economic  interests  behind 
political  groupings. 

Inset.  Athens  and  the  Piraeus.  This  is  merely  a  further 
detail  to  show  the  relationship  of  the  two.  Athens  as  a  trading  center  is 
really  represented  by  the  Piraeus,  its  main  port.  For  a  different  view  of 
the  Phaleric  Wall  and  the  Long  Walls  see  Weller,  Athens  and  Its 
Monuments,  p.  7 1 .  For  other  references  on  the  situation  as  a  whole  see 
the  same  took,  especially  p.  1  3  and  p.  383.  In  general  see  also  Whib- 
LEY,  pp.  518  ff. 

Inset.  Alexandria.  Here  again  the  purpose  is  less  a  detailed 
city  plan  than  the  relation  of  the  city  to  its  direct  environment  and  a  view 
of  its  harbor  facilities.  For  Alexandria  is  the  greatest  of  the  ancient 
trading  centers  after  Alexander,  the  foremost  of  all  his  foundations.  It 
further  was  the  station  for  the  great  fleet  with  which  the  Ptolemaic  kings 
so  long  played  an  important  role  in  the  fortunes  of  the  eastern  world. 
More  especially  it  is  the  home  of  the  great  Library  and  Academy  of  the 
Ptolemies,  the  greatest  center  of  learning  in  its  day.  For  special  points 
on  Alexandria  see  Smith,  Dictionary  of  Creek  and  Roman  Ceography. 

Inset.  Syracuse  gives  another  rather  general  sketch  of  an 
ancient  Greek  city  in  its  immediate  environment.  Of  the  details  of  the 
city  plan  we  know  next  to  nothing.  What  is  given  here  is  chiefly  to  be 
used  in  illustration  of  the  Sicilian  expeditions  during  the  Peloponnesian 
War.  Also  the  sketch  shows  how  Syracuse  benefited  by  unusual  harbor 
facilities.     On  the  whole  matter  see  BuRY,  History  of  Creece. 

Inset.  In  Priene  we  have  a  rough  representation  of  a  later 
Greek  city.  The  plan  is  based  upon  the  excavations  of  the  city  by 
Wiegand  and  Schrader  and  shows  it  in  outline  as  it  was  during  the  Hel- 
lenistic age.  It  is  a  typical  community  of  second  or  third  rank  flourishing 
in  the  age  after  Alexander,  and,  as  compared  to  Pergamum  or  Alexandria, 
is  distinctly  a  provincial  center.  A  minute  reconstruction  of  Priene  has 
been  attempted.  A  view  of  it  and  fuller  explanations  can  be  found  in 
Breasted,  Ancient  Times,  p.  460.  A  single  house  from  Priene  is 
shown  in  Weller,  p.  22. 


60  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

QUESTIONS 

What  are  the  natural  advantages  in  the  position  of  Attica  and 
Athens?  Point  out  the  early  colonial  and  trading  rivals  about  the  Isthmus 
of  Corinth.  Why  did  Athens  and  Aegina,  or  Athens  and  Corinth,  get 
into  trouble  with  one  another?  What  is  the  military  significance  of  the 
Isthmus  of  Corinth?  What  is  the  strategic  importance  of  the  system  of 
walls  connecting  Athens  and  the  Piraeus  ?  Why  was  Argos  a  dangerous 
enemy  of  Corinth,  or  of  Sparta  and  the.  Peloponnesian  League?  Prove 
the  religious  significance  of  the  Greek  roads.  Why  is  the  Greek  road 
system  not  as  significant  as  that  of  Rome?  OuUine  the  campaigns  of 
Xerxes  and  his  generals  as  far  as  it  can  be  done  from  this  map.  What 
is  the  relation  of  Eleusis  to  Athens?  Name  the  chief  natural  resources 
of  Attica.  What  is  the  importance  of  Laurium?  Would  the  art  of 
sculpture  have  developed  as  highly  in  Athens  if  suitable  marble  was  not 
found  in  the  near-by  Pentelicus  Mountains?  Why  did  Sparta  often 
endeavor  to  maintain  close  relations  with  Boeotia,  and  why  were  alliances 
of  Athens  and  Argos  not  uncommon?  Note  the  projected  canal  across 
the  Isthmus  of  Corinth.     When  was  this  canal  actually  completed? 


MAP  B8.    ATHENS 

The  Athens  that  was  the  pride  of  every  Athenian,  and  the  glory  of 
all  Greece  is  now  a  sad  relic  of  its  former  self.  Even  the  busy  spade  of 
the  excavator  has  not  been  able  to  bring  forth  for  us  again  more  than  a 
small  and  disappointing  portion  of  the  city.  The  plan  here  given,  though 
it  is  simplified  from  more  elaborate  representations,  shows  this  scantiness 
of  the  remains,  even  if  one  considers  merely  the  ruins  of  public  and  more 
pretentious  structures.  Furthermore,  the  object  of  the  plan  is  to  bring 
out  roughly  the  several  areas  within  which  the  drama  of  the  city  was 
played.  Outwardly  the  finest  period  of  the  city  was  that  of  the  Antonines, 
particularly  after  the  new  constructions  and  repairs  lavished  upon  it  by 
its  enthusiastic  friend  and  patron,  the  Emperor  Hadrian.  It  is  this  era 
of  which  the  travelogue  by  Pausanias  speaks.  Unfortunately,  however, 
even  the  remnants  of  this  latest  age  are  so  scant  that  most  of  the  structures 
he  mentions  are  now  gone  or  badly  ruined. 

Much  detail  usually  found  in  ground  plans  of  Athens  is  omitted  in 
this  map  or  at  least  not  given  a  definite  label.  As  we  travel  back  in  the 
city's  architectural  history  we  more  and  more  leave  the  firm  ground  of 
definite  knowledge  behind.  Neither  the  exact  location  nor  identification 
of  even  important  structures  is  possible  in  the  earlier  period.  The  more 
detailed  a  plan  of  Athens,  therefore,  the  more  conjectural  it  is  likely  to  be. 
In  this  one,  only  those  buildings  have  been  entered  and  named  whose 
identity  is  pretty  well  agreed  upon.  The  buildings  are  only  slightly  dif- 
ferentiated according  to  the  several  successive  eras,  those  of  an  orange 
cast  being  Roman,  while  those  of  a  purer  red  are  earlier,  but  in  most 
cases  their  names  in  themselves  indicate  the  age. 

It  is  quite  apparent  that  the  city,  clustered  about  its  defense,  the 
fortress  center  of  the  Acropolis,  is  not  the  product  of  careful  town  plan- 
ning. What  little  remains  of  the  old  town  shows  that  Athens  grew  in  the 
haphazard  fashion  cities  have  even  now  of  adding  to  their  size.  The 
contrast  with  the  Piraeus  (see  Map  B7)  in  this  aspect  is  remarkable. 
The  latter  is  evidently  the  conscious  construction  of  an  orderly  builder. 

61       - 


62  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

The  severe  rectangular  system  of  the  Piraeus  dates  from  the  age  directly 
after  the  Persian  War.  In  the  Athenian  city  there  seem  to  have  been  only 
a  few  real  streets,  and  these  straggling  and  accidental  and  affected  by  the 
obstacle  of  the  several  hills.  These  streets  served  essentially  public  pur- 
poses; the  regular  avenues  of  communication  for  the  citizens  on  ordinary 
business  seem  to  have  radiated  irregularly  from  these  chief  roads  and  to 
have  been  more  in  the  shape  of  our  modern  alley  or  the  cramped  streets 
of  the  older  sections  of  some  continental  towns.  Roads  leading  from  the 
outside  to  the  several  gates  were  of  course  carried  inward  but  lack  of 
knowledge  as  to  their  location  makes  it  impossible  to  show  this. 

In  order  to  visualize  feebly  the  Athens  of  Pericles  the  student  must 
be  made  to  follow  a  sacred  procession  up  the  paths  to  the  Propylaea, 
through  this  marvelous  gateway  up  to  the  sacred  enclosure  and  temples  of 
the  gods.  From  this  vantage  point  he  can  then  with  the  help  of  the 
teacher  survey  the  Athens  of  any  given  period — its  harbors  in  the  distance 
with  the  craft  of  peaceful  trade  and  the  vessels  of  war,  the  olive  orchards, 
the  tree  clad  hills  rich  in  mineral  and  beautiful  rock,  the  once  hostile  now 
subdued  Salamis  in  the  offing.  Coming  back  to  his  closer  neighborhood 
he  can  watch  the  assembly  in  the  Pnyx,  the  council  on  the  Hill  of  Mars 
or  in  the  Senate  House,  and  the  various  courts  and  magisterial  commissions 
in  session  in  their  respective  halls  or  open  places.  He  can  join  a  religious 
ceremony  in  one  of  the  temples  of  the  lower  city  or  worship  at  the  very 
altar  of  the  City  Goddess,  Athena,  herself,  in  the  Parthenon;  he  can 
finally  wend  his  way  past  the  Sacred  Gate  and  through  the  Street  of 
Tombs  to  the  ancient  city  of  the  mysteries,  Eleusis.  Such  hypothetical 
trips  are  the  only  way  of  making  live  once  more  the  cold  shadows  of 
ruined  beauty  and  grandeur.  Any  attempt  to  do  this  of  course  will  show 
the  necessity  of  using  in  connection  with  this  plan  ever  again  the  larger 
map  B7.  The  roads  leading  away  from  Athens  are  here  connected  up 
in  part  with  the  network  of  highroads  in  Attica.  Thus  the  city  is  placed 
within  its  environment  and  given  greater  reality  than  a  mere  ground  plan 
can  furnish.  For  the  close  economic  and  military  interdependence  of 
Athens  and  its  harbors  the  inset  in  B  7  is  the  better  illustration,  though  even 
this  plan  permits  the  student  to  realize  that  Athens,  in  times  of  need  such 
as  those  of  the  Peloponnesian  War,  might  easily  be  considered  a  fortified 
city  of  the  first  rank. 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  63 

The  pupil  must  also  realize  that  our  plan  makes  no  mention  of 
private  buildings,  houses  or  suchlike.  The  Greek  housing  conditions  as 
far  as  we  know  them  were  still  extremely  primitive  at  an  age  when  in 
public  structures  Athens  led  the  world.  The  Greek  in  more  senses  than 
one  was  a  pohtical  being,  he  lived  his  real  life  in  the  open  in  the  public 
places.  These  he  beautified  and  for  these  he  worked  and  planned  as 
long  as  the  city  state  lived.  It  is  only  in  the  era  after  Alexander  that 
private  houses  begin  to  furnish  an  index  to  the  new  era  of  the  individual. 
Also  it  must  be  remembered  at  all  times  that  climate  and  other  considera- 
tions tend  to  encourage  the  Greek  in  his  habit  of  building  his  own  house 
of  ephemeral  materials  and  without  pretentiousness.  Of  the  Greek  house 
in  Athens  we  know  nothing;  to  find  it  we  must  visit  in  later  days  such 
places  for  instance  as  Priene. 

The  demes  of  the  city  are  named.  Together  with  the  material  given 
in  Map  B7  they  can  be  used  in  the  teaching  of  the  internal  organization 
of  the  city-state  of  Athens.  In  a  rough  way  these  districts  are  the  coun- 
terpart  of  our  wards. 

A  more  detailed  pointing  out  of  objects  of  interest  in  Athens  would 
not  be  appropriate  in  a  manual  of  this  sort.  Every  teacher  will  find 
ample  materials  for  class-room  work  in  the  plan,  especially  if  it  is  supple- 
mented by  work  on  more  specific  plans  from  atlases  and  correlated  with 
the  religious  and  artistic  history  of  the  city.  Conveniently  the  whole  archi- 
tectural history  of  Athens  is  summarized  in  Whibley,  Companion  to 
Greek  Studies.  See  also  the  very  practical  book  by  Weller,  Athens 
and  Its  Monuments.  The  map  is  so  designed  that  in  order  to  be  effective 
it  must  be  used  together  with  some  such  account.  Also  while  it  is  not  a 
detailed  reference  map,  it  yet  aims  to  be  useful  for  the  study  of  Greek 
Literature  and  Life,  and  of  Greek  Art. 

QUESTIONS       ' 

Name  the  several  walls  of  Athens  and  show  how  they  connect  the 
city  with  its  harbors.  What  is  the  military  advantage  of  these  walls? 
Name  the  chief  architectural  achievements  in  the  age  of  Pericles  in 
Athens.  What  purpose,  other  than  the  religious  one,  did  the  Parthenon 
serve?     Compare  the  construction  of  Athens  with  that  of  the  Piraeus. 


64  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

Where  do  we  get  our  most  detailed  information  on  ancient  Athens? 
Name  several  of  the  city  demes.  Enumerate  several  of  the  important 
public  sites  within  the  city  walls.  What  is  the  Ceramicus?  Why  does 
the  plan  not  show  remains  of  private  dwellings?  Whither  does  the 
Sacred  Road  lead?  Where  is  the  shrine  of  the  Goddess  of  Victory? 
Where  did  St.  Paul  preach  his  famous  sermon? 


MAP  B9.     SEQUENCE  MAP  OF  GREECE 

The  Sequence  as  a  Whole.  This  sheet  is  arranged  with  a 
view  to  showing  the  development  of  Greek  affairs  in  the  form  of  a 
sequence  of  four  geographical  pictures.  They  illustrate  the  classical  age 
of  Greece  from  the  Great  Persian  War  to  shortly  before  the  appearance 
of  Macedonia  as  arbiter  of  Greek  affairs.  The  idea  of  growth  and  de- 
cline in  the  fortunes  of  the  several  Hellenic  powers  seems  most  success- 
fully brought  home  to  the  student  by  an  arrangement  of  this  kind.  Thus 
this  map  does  for  Hellas  what  in  Map  B3  has  been  done  for  the  Orien- 
tal empires  and  what  later  map  sequences  (see  Maps  B12  and  BI4) 
will  do  for  the  rise  of  Roman  dominion.  The  complexity  of  Greek 
history  makes  the  task  more  difficult,  and  the  shape  of  the  area  adds  to 
this  disadvantage,  but  the  cardinal  historical  factors  of  change,  motion, 
development  ought  on  the  basis  of  these  four  maps  be  readily  discernible. 
Also  the  pupils  should  see  at  the  first  glance  the  reflection  of  the  everlasting 
rivalries  in  Greece  which  brought  to  the  front  one  candidate  after  the  other 
for  hegemony.  Finally  he  will  note  that  the  maps  are  merely  the  geo- 
graphical image  of  passing  political  ideals  and  expedients.  An  apprecia- 
tion of  all  these  factors  is  vital  to  any  grasp  of  Greek  history. 

The  territory  shown,  because  of  the  peculiar  conformation  of  Greece 
and  the  consequent  necessity  of  using  a  rather  large  scale,  represents  only 
the  Greek  world  proper  as  in  Map  B5.  All  really  vital  areas  are  in- 
cluded and  the  relationship  of  the  section  to  the  eastern  Mediterranean  is 
sufficiently  evident  for  most  purposes.  For  a  view  of  outlying  Hellenic 
districts  and  areas,  which  in  some  way  or  other  in  the  different  periods 
have  close  connection  with  this  central  region,  see  Maps  B4  and  B6. 
Should  more  detailed  maps  be  needed,  those  on  Ancient  Greece  or  Cen- 
tral Eastern  Greece  will  serve  most  ends  (Maps  B5  and  B7).  Questions 
dealing  more  distinctly  with  the  geography  of  Greece  will  be  found  briefly 
discussed  in  the  general  introduction  preceding  the  notes  on  individual 
maps. 

Map  a.     Greece  and  the  Persians.     Fittingly  the  series 

opens  with  a  map  recording  the  situation  at  the  time  of  the  Persian  Wars. 

65 


66  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

To  the  Greek  of  later  days  this  age  was  the  cornerstone  of  his  existence, 
the  great  Golden  Age,  the  real  beginning  of  his  pohtical  and  cultural 
career.  To  it  he  still  harked  back  when  almost  every  vestige  of  freedom 
as  he  understood  it  and  had  fought  for  it  had  long  passed  away.  The 
map  is,  therefore,  in  one  sense  a  war  map.  As  such  it  gives  by  an  easily 
distinguishable  symbol  the  routes  of  the  several  Persian  attacking  forces 
both  by  land  and  sea.  Also  the  most  important  battle  sites  have  been 
entered.  Should  the  pupil  wish  to  make  a  more  specific  study  of  any  one 
campaign,  this  map  may  be  used  in  conjunction  with  Map  B5  or  B7. 
The  defensive  value  for  instance  of  Thermopylae  and  the  Isthmus  o. 
Corinth  can  be  best  thus  illustrated.  The  supposed  maneuvering  of  the 
Greeks  at  the  Artemesian  promontory,  the  collaboration  of  the  land  forces 
and  the  navy  there  and  the  strategy  of  Themistocles  at  Salamis,  all  these 
and  many  other  factors  in  the  warfare  of  the  day  can  in  the  same  way 
be  rendered  more  intelligible  to  the  class. 

A  more  important  and  fundamental  problem  for  every  teacher  ought 
to  be  to  convey  to  the  pupil  some  notion  of  the  comparative  size  and 
strength  of  the  combatants.  To  this  end  he  must  disregard  the  more 
detailed  colorings  of  the  map  and  divide  the  states  of  Greece  into  two 
groups  only,  those  who  fought  Persia  and  those  who  remained  neutral. 
The  Medizing  areas  must  for  the  purpose  of  this  question  be  included  in 
the  area  representing  the  strength  of  Persia.  The  attacking  force  must, 
therefore,  include  those  sections  of  the  map  in  the  yellow  and  green.  It 
must  also  take  in  the  regions  in  buff.  The  Greek  peoples  in  this  latter 
area  had  precipitated  the  whole  conflict  by  their  revolt.  They  had  been 
suppressed  and  were  now  vassals  of  the  Great  King  at  best  and  represented 
in  his  forces.  While  in  this  way  a  picture  of  the  attacking  bulk  is  ob- 
tained, a  really  satisfactory  view  of  the  possible  driving  power  of  Persia — 
at  least  as  far  as  size  means  that — can  be  gained  only  if  the  student  refers 
also  to  Map  B3  (see,  in  addition,  the  comment  on  Map  BIO).  With 
this  geographical  background  the  teacher  must  try  to  make  clear  the  pos- 
sible chances  of  the  contending  parties. 

So  far  the  relative  strength  of  the  adversaries  has  been  computed  by 
area.  This  is  naturally  not  a  wholly  satisfactory  method.  Other  factors 
entered  into  the  problem,  some  of  which  ought  to  be  presented.  One  is 
the  lack  of  homogeneity  in  the  Persian  Empire.     The  student  must  try  to 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  67 

see  behind  the  names  of  the  several  peoples  in  that  state,  as  they  appear  in 
Maps  B3  and  BIO,  the  evident  differences  in  interest,  all  of  which  had  a 
good  deal  of  influence  in  preventing  real  unity  of  action  even  in  a  des- 
potically controlled  state.  Also  the  Great  King  had  to  wrestle  with  the 
problem  of  distance.  To  gather  his  forces  in  the  first  place  was  difficult, 
to  launch  them  at  Greece  was  even  more  of  a  task,  to  provision  them  there 
(see  here  the  Introduction  on  Greece  and  its  resources),  a  feat  possible 
only  at  great  expense  and  under  the  continual  necessity  of  keeping  com- 
munication with  the  homeland  open.  In  this  connection  the  actual  routes 
of  attack  may  be  studied. 

Another  item  in  the  calculation  of  the  relative  position  of  the  two 
antagonists  is  the  question  of  fighting  material.  Therefore  it  may  be  help- 
ful to  give  the  student  a  suggestion  of  the  density  of  the  population  of 
Greece  at  least.  Our  information  in  this  matter  is  very  imperfect,  but 
tribute  lists  and  other  stray  hints  here  and  there  have  enabled  scholars  like 
Beloch  and  Cavaignac  to  furnish  some  idea  of  the  situation.  Therefore, 
on  the  map  the  size  of  the  more  important  cities  has  been  indicated  by 
symbols.  The  categories  are  those  of  Cavaignac  (see  his  Hisioire  de 
rAntiquite,  V.  2,  Athenes,  map).  The  basis  of  his  computations,  the 
best  available,  is  the  period  directly  following  the  Persian  attacks.  Hence 
the  results  for  our  purposes  must  be  discounted  somewhat,  especially  for 
the  Greek  area  in  Asia  Minor.  There  the  bloom  of  the  cities  had  been 
blighted  by  the  Ionic  revolt.  This  is  apparent  in  the  size  of  Miletus,  once 
the  greatest  of  these  towns,  as  compared  with  that  of  Lampsacus.  Never- 
theless on  the  whole  the  statistics  given  will  be  a  helpful  guide,  and  it 
ought  to  be  an  interesting  study  for  the  student  to  select  the  cities  in 
Greece  proper  who  led  in  the  fight  with  Persia  and  to  compare  them  with 
the  almost  unlimited  resources  in  fighting  men  controlled  by  Persia  and 
reported  in  such  an  exaggerated  form  by  Herodotus. 

Density  of  population  connotes  either  very  fertile  soil  and  intensive 
cultivation,  or  it  points  to  industry  as  the  support  of  a  large  number  of 
people  whose  foodstuffs  are  imported.  Now,  despite  the  war  and  the 
revolt  preceding  it,  Asia  Minor  still  exhibits  according  to  the  map  a 
rather  high  average  of  population  in  the  several  cities  about  475  B.  C. 
The  fertility  of  the  region  is  certainly  below  the  average.  Therefore  prior 
to  these  catastrophes  the  congestion  must  have  been  even  greater.     Pros- 


68  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS    ' 

perity  of  trade  and  industries  was  beyond  doubt  in  those  years  the  portion 
of  these  communities.  They  took  full  advantage  of  their  location  on  the 
coast  and  near  the  termini  of  the  river  and  road  systems  tapping  the  in- 
terior, which  on  the  whole  was  politically  on  good  terms  with  them.  It 
would,  therefore,  seem  a  just  conclusion  from  the  facts  indicated  on  the 
map  to  say  that  before  the  war  these  sections  led  the  Greek  world  in 
material  endeavor,  if  not  in  cultural  achievements  also.  It  was  only  after 
the  Great  War  that  the  region  around  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth  gained  the 
leadership  in  these  matters. 

Both  in  size  and  resources  the  Persian  colossus  impressed  the 
Greeks.  They  were  confronted  with  the  alternative  of  downright  subjec- 
tion or  a  hopeless  struggle.  This  is  evident  from  our  map  and  the  data 
in  Map  B3.  Some,  therefore,  cringed  at  the  approach  of  the  giant;  they 
medized"  and  have  been  so  marked  in  the  map.  In  the  case  of  most 
of  them  their  small  size  and  unprotected  position  will  render  this  intel- 
ligible. Others,  especially  if  not  so  directly  menaced,  stood  aside  as 
neutrals,  actuated  by  panicky  fear  or  possibly  by  even  more  ignoble 
motives. 

Thus  the  very  first  map  of  our  series  on  the  history  of  Greece  illus- 
trates the  besetting  sin  of  the  Greek,  his  lack  of  a  feeling  of  common 
interest  and  nationalism  in  the  face  of  even  a  great  crisis.  Just  how 
deeply  this  characteristic  had  affected  the  people  can  be  shown  if  we  con- 
sider for  instance  the  attitude  of  Thebes  and  Delphi.  The  brighter  side 
of  the  picture  is  the  outstanding  proof  of  loyalty  and  devotion  to  Greek 
ideals  evident  elsewhere,  even  in  the  face  of  bitter  oppression  and  great 
odds.  Let  the  student  here  note  the  attitude  of  Thespiae  and  Plataea,  of 
a  portion  of  Eubcea  and  of  Potidaea  in  the  north. 

It  is  also  interesting  to  see  how  the  large  northwest  region  of  Greece 
is  still  quite  outside  the  main  current  of  affairs.  On  the  whole  the  peoples 
there  may  be  said  to  have  had  no  direct  interest  in  the  conflict.  On  the 
attitude  of  the  several  states  in  the  war  and  on  other  matters  of  interest 
see  HTM,  V.  4,  p.  285,  also  BuRY,  History  of  Greece,  and  Grundy, 
The  Great  Persian  War. 

The  war  had  its  western  angle,  the  remote  settlements  of  Hellenes 
in  Sicily  and  south  Italy  were  in  much  the  same  situation  as  their  country- 
men at  home.     Whether  as  a  result  of  an  actual  common  arrangement 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  69 

between  the  Great  King  and  his  quasi- vassal  state  of  Carthage,  or  because 
the  interests  of  this  power  and  those  of  the  Etruscans  were  much  Hke 
those  of  Persia  and  happened  to  find  expression  in  a  hostile  attitude  at  the 
same  time,  certainly  their  attack  on  the  Greeks  coincided  with  that  in  the 
east.  It  came  on  the  extreme  right  (western)  wing  of  Hellenic  settlement. 
See  on  this  matter  Map  B6  inset.  A  convenient  brief  statement  may  be 
found  in  Allcroft,  History  of  Sicily. 

The  first  of  these  sequence  maps  gives  besides  the  military,  political 
and  economic  facts  of  the  Persian  War  also  the  names  of  the  traditional 
provinces  of  Greece.  In  this  regard  a  comparison  may  be  made  with 
the  situation  as  it  is  depicted  in  Map  B5.  In  addition  to  the  titles  quoted 
there  on  the  ethnological  problems  of  Greece  see  the  discussion  in  HTM, 
V.  1,  p.  7;  V.  2,  p.  1  7;  Myres,  Creek  Lands  and  Creek  Peoples; 
Whibley,  Companion  to  Creek  Studies;  BuRY,  History  of  Creece. 

Maps  B  and  C.    Athenian  Empire  and  Peloponnesian 

War.  These  maps  are  devoted  to  an  illustration  of  the  rise  of  Athens 
to  power  in  Greece  as  the  holder  and  organizer  of  an  empire  and  to  the 
resulting  reaction  against  her  domination,  the  Peloponnesian  War.  In 
the  first  map  Athenian  territorial  control  is  shown  at  its  greatest  extent, 
shortly  before  the  middle  of  the  Fifth  Century  while  the  second  gives 
the  student  material  for  an  understanding  of  the  great  civil  war  of  Greece. 
It  also  indicates  how  far  the  range  and  extent  of  the  rival  alliances  had 
changed  even  before  the  opening  of  the  Peloponnesian  War. 

In  the  first  place,  from  a  consideration  of  the  very  area  under 
Athenian  control  and  Spartan  domination,  respectively,  the  student  should 
be  able  to  arrive  at  certain  conclusions  very  vital  to  the  whole  situation, 
both  in  its  military  and  economic  aspects.  While  it  is  difficult  for  any 
portion  of  Greece  to  be  real  land  power,  the  pre-eminently  naval  and 
maritime  character  of  the  Athenian  Empire  is  quite  apparent  if  compared 
with  the  much  more  clearly  landed  interests  of  the  rival  aggregation. 

This  indeed  is  less  true  of  Athens  in  the  period  shown  in  Map  B 
than  in  the  age  just  before  the  War  as  given  in  Map  C.  For  in  the  earlier 
days  of  Periclean  control  there  is  every  evidence  that  Athens  reached 
out  also  for  domination  in  Greece  as  a  land  power.  Our  map  indicates 
this  clearly  for  Central  Greece,  for  instance.  Here  naturally  she  would 
have  to  seek  for  mainland  allies  and  members  of  her  empire,  here  also 


70  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

Sparta  must  needs  look  about  for  aid  against  Athens  in  case  of  war.  For 
a  while  Athens  was  successful,  see  Map  B,  but  the  next  map  sho^vs  that 
before  the  actual  opening  of  the  great  conflict  Sparta  in  turn  had  at  least 
partly  won  her  point.  For  a  similar  juggling  for  position  by  the  two 
alliances  see  the  shifting  allegiance  of  Argos. 

Athens  in  430  B.  C.  is  mainly  a  sea  power  again,  Sparta  at  the 
head  of  a  coalition  of  mainly  landed  interests.  However,  on  the  side 
of  the  latter  always  stood  certain  maritime  interests  whom  she  was  called 
upon  to  defend. 

Among  the  old  prominent  trading  centers  of  Greece,  towns  leading 
in  the  Aegean  and  Mediterranean  policies  of  Greece  before  Athenian 
commercial  leadership,  were  Corinth  and  Megara  (see  Map  B7  and 
B9  A).  Both  were  on  the  side  of  Sparta.  In  a  study  of  the  events 
precipitating  the  conflict  their  role  is  a  significant  one.  Taking  them  in 
connection  with  their  colonial  and  commercial  sphere  and  noting  their 
location  the  teacher  ought  to  be  able  to  bring  out  certain  highly  interesting 
facts. 

The  student  ought  particularly  be  shown  the  rivalry  of  Corinth  and 
Athens  along  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  or  the  position  of  Megara  over  against 
a  dominant  Athens.  This  can  readily  be  done  on  the  basis  of  these  maps. 
Also  the  teacher  might  well  bring  out  how  the  encroachment  of  Athens 
on  the  trade  and  colonial  sphere  of  Corinth  from  Corcyra  via  Ambracia  to 
Epidamnus  would  tend  to  shape  affairs.  Likewise  the  similar  clash  of 
interests  on  the  Chalcidic  peninsula,  see  Potidea,  can  be  shown.  Re- 
ferring to  a  somewhat  earlier  period  the  problem  of  the  revolt  of  Thasos 
can  be  taken  up  and  the  stand  taken  by  Thasos,  Athens,  Sparta  and 
Macedonia  explained. 

Furthermore,  in  conjunction  with  B6,  the  map  can  be  used  to 
present  the  question  of  Athenian  dependence  on  grain  imports.  Her 
interests  in  the  Black  Sea  and  Thracian  region,  the  control  over  the 
northeast  passage  can  be  fully  discussed.  Thereby  some  light  will  also 
be  thrown  on  the  Spartan  military  and  naval  operations  in  these  districts. 

Further  use  can  be  made  of  these  two  maps  of  Greece  in  making 
a  comparison  of  the  area  of  the  Athenian  Empire  with  the  limits  of  the 
old  Delian  League  as  shown  in  B6,  as  well  as  of  the  territory  affected  by 
the  Ionic  Revolt,  in  B9  A.     Such  a  study  will  bring  out  how  both  now 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  71 

lay  almost  completely  within  the  boundaries  of  Athenian  dominion,  and 
to  what  extent  Athens  had  progressed  on  the  mainland.  In  order  to 
bring  out  the  organization  of  this  empire  the  several  taxing  districts  have 
been  outlined  and  designated.  Note  the  distinction  between  the  Empire 
as  such  and  the  allies  of  Athens,  also  the  fact  that  the  city  itself  stands 
outside  of  these  divisions.  On  the  Empire  see  BuRY,  Ferguson,  Creel^ 
Imperialism,  Whibley,  and  Qreenidge,  Creek  Constitutional  An- 
tiquities, and  ZiMMERN,  Creel^  Commonwealth. 

Again  the  teacher  ought  to  note  the  Persian  Empire  in  the  back- 
ground. Defeated  in  the  Great  War,  but  not  beaten,  this  state  was  still 
a  serious  menace  to  the  Greeks.  Olie  phase  of  the  civil  struggle  in  Greece 
was  the  see-saw  of  alternating  alliances  with  this  power.  The  diplomacy, 
or  if  you  will,  the  brutal  interference  of  Persia  in  the  struggles  of  Greece, 
her  selfish  exploitation  of  the  chronic  lack  of  harmony  or  unity  in  Hellas, 
cannot  be  grasped  at  all  unless  the  student  keep  continually  before  his 
eyes  the  proximity  of  Persia.  Her  malicious  intrusion  was  a  black  cloud 
ever  hovering  on  the  horizon  of  Greek  affairs  during  this  and  all  future 
epochs  of  Greek  development  down  to  the  expedition  of  Alexander. 

Map  D.  Greece  Under  Theban  Supremacy.  The  attempt 
of  Athens  to  unite  Hellas  under  her  own  control,  both  from  the  ideal  and 
the  possibly  selfish  practical  point  of  view,  had  failed.  Her  collapse  be- 
fore Sparta  and  Persia,  together  with  her  own  internal  demoralization 
had  irrevocably  ended  her  leadership.  The  present  map  shows  another 
effort  in  Greece  to  organize  a  state  more  powerful  and  inclusive,  and 
constitutionally  in  advance  also  of  the  city  state.  This  endeavor  to  unify 
Greece  was  a  task  which  Thebes  had  set  for  itself  at  a  time  when  similar 
efforts  toward  the  same  goal,  more  or  less  clearly  outlined  and  tinged 
with  selfish  interest,  were  so  much  in  evidence  that  the  country  increasingly 
presented  a  picture  of  utter  disorganization.  Foreign  pressure  is  in  this 
age  again  prominent.  The  effort  of  Thebes,  however,  was  the  last  sig- 
nificant project  of  this  sort  prior  to  the  advent  of  the  Macedonian  mon- 
archy. 

The  plans  of  Thebes  were  for  a  time  remarkably  successful,  due 
in  part  to  the  new  form  of  political  and  tactical  organization  employed, 
in  part  to  the  personality  of  Epaminondas,  and  largely  perhaps  to  the 
fact  that  there  was  really  no  powerful  counterforce.     But  they  were  fore- 


72  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

doomed  to  failure.  Real  control  of  the  sort  attempted,  apart  from  in- 
dispensable changes  in  Greek  political  propensities,  involved  naval  empire 
and  the  task  of  protecting  Hellenic  interests  in  general,  for  which  the 
Thebans  had  neither  the  resources  nor  the  requisite  geographical  position. 
As  a  successor  to  Athens  it  w^as  at  a  disadvantage,  both  as  an  essentially 
inland  state  and  because  of  its  fundamentally  agrarian  nature.  A  com- 
parison of  its  location  with  that  of  Athens  and  of  the  two  spheres  of 
political  domination  will  be  profitable  (see  here  Maps  B9  and  B7). 

The  teacher  ought  also  to  show  how  the  advance  of  Thebes  into 
the  Peloponnesus  endangered  Sparta,  how  the  adhesion  of  part  of  Ar- 
cadia to  the  Boeotian  state,  and  the  acquisition  of  the  Messenian  rebel 
area,  once  for  all  overthrew  the  proud  supremacy  of  Sparta.  The  sig- 
nificance ot  the  loss  of  Messenia  will  be  apparent  if  the  student  here  uses 
as  parallels  former  efforts  of  this  serf  population  to  wrench  themselves 
free  from  Lacedaemonia. 

While  Thebes  was  consolidating  an  empire  chiefly  on  land,  Athens 
was  once  more  essaying  a  naval  confederation.  Its  extent  is  shown  and 
may  be  studied  in  relation  to  the  earlier  empire  in  B9  B.  While  these 
rivalries  were  going  on  in  the  more  highly  developed  sections  of  Greece, 
the  northwest  region  was  still  outside  of  the  whirlpool. 

The  map  gives  also  a  sketch  of  some  of  the  main  highways  of 
Greece.  It  would  have  been  impracticable  to  be  more  full  in  the  treat- 
ment of  this  subject.  The  facts  here  presented  supplement  the  more  de- 
tailed data  given  for  central  eastern  Greece  in  Map  B7.  Internal  com- 
munication was  difficult  in  Greece  (see  Introduction  on. Greece)  and  at 
no  time  in  the  days  of  Greek  glory  were  the  road  systems  of  this  country 
as  well  worked  out  as  in  Italy.  Nor  were  they  so  significant  in  a  country 
of  which  most  sections  opened  out  on  much  more  direct  communication 
by  water. 

On  the  Boeotian  League,  Theban  Supremacy  and  kindred  topics 
see  Bury,  Ferguson,  Botsford,  and  Sihler,  Hellenic  Civilization, 
and  the  titles  quoted  there. 

QUESTIONS 

State  the  factors  of  size,  distance  and  population  in  the  war  of 
Greece   and   Persia.      Why  did   Thessaly   "medize"?      What   area  is 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  73 

included  in  the  Ionic  revolt,  and  what  becomes  of  this  region  later? 
Where  were  the  greatest  Greek  economic  centers  before  and  after  the 
war  against  Persia?  Name  the  chief  loyal  states.  Outline  the  several 
financial  districts  in  the  Athenian  empire.  What  is  the  significance  of 
the  attitude  of  Corinth,  Megara  and  Thebes  assumed  in  the  Peloponnesian 
War?  Compare  the  extent  of  the  Delian  League  and  the  Empire  of 
Athens.  What  is  the  importance  of  the  northwest  passage  to  Athens? 
What  were  the  advantages  of  position  for  Athens  in  an  imperial  policy? 
What  was  the  importance  of  Messenia  to  Sparta?  Compare  the  extent 
of  the  first  and  second  so-called  Empires  of  Athens.  Why  do  the 
western  communities  in  Greece  appear  as  prominent  factors  in  the  political 
developments  of  the  country  so  late  in  her  independent  history? 


MAP  BIO.     ALEXANDER'S  EMPIRE 

Main  Map.  The  first  impression  received  from  any  representation 
of  the  Empire  of  Alexander  is  that  of  a  contrast  between  the  insignificance 
of  the  conquering  area  over  against  the  vast  bulk  of  the  conquered.  This 
fact  must  be  borne  in  on  the  pupil  in  its  several  meanings  even  more  than 
similar  considerations  are  stressed  in  connection  with  the  great  Persian 
War.  The  lesson  that  mere  size  often  counts  for  very  little  has. rarely 
found  a  more  effective  illustration.  The  teacher  may  conveniently  use  the 
case  of  Japan  and  Russia  in  modern  times  as  a  parallel.  What  stood  in 
the  way  of  Persian  victory  among  other  things  was  the  vastness  of  its  area 
and  resources  under  an  administration  too  weak,  corrupt  and  poorly 
organized  properly  to  employ  them.  There  was  also  in  this  colossal  state 
no  sentiment  of  unity,  no  real  common  cause  even  in  a  defense  against 
Greek  attack.  The  pupil  must  be  made  to  reahze  the  great  divergence 
between  the  many  peoples  over  this  wide  area.  Local  particularism  in 
addition  to  corruption  at  the  center  of  administration  made  any  enthusi- 
astic joint  action  impossible.  Differences  of  custom,  religion,  political 
organization,  historical  tradition  and  experience  made  strangers  of  the  Bac- 
trian  and  Syrian,  the  Armenian  highlander  and  the  dweller  in  the  Lydian 
cities.  Had  this  not  been  the  case  and  had  the  individual  Persian  subject 
felt  a  personal  interest,  held  a  stake  in  the  fate  of  the  Empire,  all  might 
have  been  different.  As  it  is  the  Orient  under  the  now  effete  Persian 
control  lost  to  the  Occident  under  the  young  and  vigorous  Alexander. 

If  these  and  other  correlated  elements  in  the  downfall  of  Persia  are 
properly  grasped  by  the  pupil — and  unfortunately  no  graphic  device  can 
adequately  set  forth  on  a  map  these  weaknesses  and  differences — he  will 
also  readily  understand  the  difficult  task  confronting  Alexander  once  he 
had  made  himself  master  of  this  vast  empire  and  successor  of  the  Great 
Kings.  The  fact  is,  and  the  map  shows  this,  that  the  subjection  of  the 
Persian  Empire  was  even  under  Alexander  not  as  complete  as  we  ordi- 
narily assume  and  indicate  by  coloring  in  maps  like  this.  Beside  the 
regions  here  shown  under  the  direct  power  of  Alexander,  or  as  allied  or 

74 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  75 

free  states,  there  are  other  shadings  of  political  siaius  which  cannot  satis- 
factorily be  set  down.  Some  sections  marked  as  conquered  were  only 
nominally  held,  as  for  instance  Bactria;  others  were  openly  resisting  still 
at  the  time  of  Alexander's  death.  Among  these,  Cappadocia  is  a  promi- 
nent example.  Armenia  was  probably  never  very  directly  under  control, 
and  the  outer  limits  of  Alexander's  state  both  in  the  region  of  the  Cau- 
casus and  along  the  extreme  eastern  front  are  quite  doubtful. 

All  these  gaps  in  a  system  of  uniform  control  cannot  be  indicated, 
and  yet  a  realization  of  these  factors  helps  the  student  further  to  grasp 
the  problem  facing  Alexander.  To  complete  and  confirm  his  political  and 
military  program,  to  provide  for  a  stable  and  strong  state,  and  to  gradually 
establish  in  that  state  the  foundations  of  a  uniform  civilization  were  the 
main  items  in  that  task.  A  close  study  of  the  map  alone  will  help  one  to 
see  that  the  ultimate  failure  of  this  program  is  intelligible,  even  if  the 
sudden  and  untimely  death  of  Alexander  be  discounted.  Indeed,  it  must 
be  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  pupil  that  notwithstanding  the  final  col- 
lapse the  amount  of  common  civilization  developed  in  the  brief  time  over 
this  vast  region  despite  all  difficulties  is  quite  wonderful. 

The  conquest  opened  up  the  East  to  the  West.  There  had  been  a 
good  deal  of  intercourse  before,  but  hostile  political  relations  and  the 
threatening  policy  of  Persia  toward  Greece  during  the  earlier  fourth  cen- 
tury could  now  no  more  hamper  free  intercommunication.  The  Greek 
world  immediately  made  use  of  its  opportunity  and  we  are  confronted 
with  a  remarkable  quickening  of  all  energies  in  Greco-Macedonian  life. 
By  means  of  colonies,  in  military  and  civil  service,  through  the  pursuits 
of  trade  and  commerce  the  Greeks  and  Macedonians  spread  over  this 
new  open  area,  especially  it  seems  into  the  westernmost  regions  of  the 
former  Persian  dominion  and  into  the  Tigris-Euphrates  valley.  With 
them  goes  Greek  civilization  in  all  its  phases,  Greek  life  and  thought 
meets  more  closely  than  ever  that  of  the  Orient.  The  one  merges  with  the 
other  and  the  joint  product,  whether  it  be  a  new  monarchical  theory  or 
great  and  far-reaching  religious  beliefs  or  institutions,  becomes  a  vital 
factor  in  the  development  of  the  world — both  then  and  later. 

The  number  of  the  Westerners  who  thus  became  a  leaven  for  the 
East  is  probably  at  highest  small  if  compared  to  the  teeming  population 
within  which  they  were  sooner  or  later  absorbed.  It  was  very  considerable, 


76  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

however,  when  considered  in  relation  to  the  area  and  population  of  the 
homeland.  The  vital  energy  expended  by  the  West  on  the  East  was 
appalling  and  may  be  said  to  have  direct  bearing  on  the  apparent  ex- 
sanguination  of  old  Greece  and  Macedonia  and  their  consequent  rather 
rapid  decline  in  later  years. 

These  and  many  other  considerations  crowd  in  on  the  observer  in  an 
attentive  study  of  the  map.  Certainly,  as  far  as  they  are  presented  in 
the  classroom  in  conjunction  with  this  period,  they  one  and  all  can  be 
fully  appreciated  only  by  constant  contact  with  a  graphic  image  of  Alex- 
ander's Empire. 

Among  the  more  detailed  and  specific  topics  illustrated  in  the  map 
is  the  colonization  movement  of  the  time.  It  is  sufficient  testimony  to  the 
keenness  of  perception  on  the  part  of  Alexander  and  the  Diadochi  and 
their  councillors  if  one  realizes  that  the  colonial  sites  picked  by  them  were 
of  great  commercial  and  strategic  importance.  Some  were  unquestionably 
even  then  noteworthy  trading  posts  and  caravan  centers.  What  is  more 
to  the  point  is  the  fact  that  a  goodly  number  exist  even  now  and  despite 
all  the  changes  of  the  centuries  still  in  the  main  retain  their  several  ad- 
vantages and  significance.  The  mere  mention  in  our  times  of  the  modern 
names  of  a  few  of  these  sites  will  bring  this  home  to  the  pupil.  On  the 
map,  for  this  reason,  besides  the  ancient  designations  will  be  found  names 
like  Hamadan,  Kandahar,  Herat,  Merv,  Samarkand  and  Khojent. 

The  actual  story  of  the  conquest,  its  military  events,  the  route  of 
Alexander  and  his  commanders  has  been  entered  in  a  bold  red  line.  This 
enables  the  pupil  quickly  and  easily  to  review  this  part  of  the  class  work. 
The  battle  sites  of  importance  have  also  been  indicated.  It  might  be 
worth  while  for  the  student  in  this  connection  to  see  how  far  Alexander 
followed  older  regular  road  systems  in  his  penetration  of  the  interior. 
Also  the  natural  defenses  of  the  country  traversed  by  Alexander  must  be 
noted,  whether  they  be  obstacles  like  deserts  or  mountain  ranges  through 
which  only  narrow  gates  permit  passage. 

Another  angle  of  the  opening  up  of  the  east  is  that  which  deals  with 
more  distinctly  economic  interests.  As  indicated  above  this  is  one  of  the 
foremost  results  of  the  conquest  and  it  must,  at  least  in  its  chief  outlines, 
be  impressed  upon  a  student  of  this  period.  The  map  is  designed  to  help 
especially  in  this  topic.     The  great  routes  via  land  and  sea  can  be  pointed 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  77 

out  readily.  In  a  sense  all  roads  converge  in  the  Aegean  and  eastern 
Mediterranean.  It  is  this  area  which  becomes  the  economic  center  of  the 
new  Greek  world.  With  it  are  associated  such  names  as  Alexandria, 
Antioch,  Rhodes,  Athens  and  Corinth.  Goods  traveled  from  the  Far 
East  by  sea  past  Bab  el  Mandeb  to  Berenike,  thence  overland  to  the 
Nile  and  down  the  river  to  Alexandria.  Or  they  might  pass  up  the  Red 
Sea  to  the  Bitter  Lakes  east  of  Heliopolis  and  thence  by  canal  and  delta 
to  the  same  port.  Another  system  of  traffic  from  the  east  is  that  which 
follows  essentially  the  route  of  Nearchus  to  Babylon,  or  later  to  Seleucia 
on  the  Tigris  by  making  use  of  the  river  and  canal  system.  From  thence 
it  continues  overland  by  caravan  around  the  head  of  the  Syro-Arabian 
desert  to  Antioch  and  its  harbor  town  Seleucia  by  the  Sea.  The  upper 
road  to  India  and  China  is  also  indicated  in  the  map.  Its  western  mouth- 
ing point  is  Phasis  on  the  Black  Sea.  Once  wares  had  arrived  in  the  old 
centers  of  Greek  traffic,  the  Aegean  and  eastern  Mediterranean,  the  dis- 
tribution followed  beaten  paths.  Many  minor  roads,  giving  a  general 
view  both  of  the  old  Persian  postal  highways  as  well  as  of  the  relative 
closeness  of  intercommunication  in  the  later  age  add  to  the  usefulness  of 
the  map  for  economic  and  military  discussions  especially. 

Inset.  This  lesser  map  represents  the  political  divisions  in  the 
Hellenistic  world  after  the  battle  of  Couropedion  and  after  the  assassina- 
tion of  Seleucus.  The  last  of  the  great  contemporaries  of  Alexander  had 
disappeared  from  the  scene  and  the  old  rivalries  in  the  main  are  now 
buried.  This  particular  stage  of  the  eastern  development  has,  however, 
been  chosen  for  the  map  because  it  marks  the  time  when  the  newly  estab- 
lished territorial  monarchies  are  continentally  differentiated,  Macedonia 
in  Europe,  the  Seleucid  empire  in  Asia  and  the  Ptolemaean  state  in  Africa. 
Barring  minor  and  temporary  overlappings,  especially  in  the  ofttimes 
curiously  unnatural  limits  of  the  latter  power,  this  was  destined  to  be  the 
condition  of  things  down  to  the  appearance  of  Rome  in  these  regions. 

Side  by  side  with  the  great  monarchies  we  already  find  the  well 
defined  growth  of  a  number  of  lesser  principalities.  They,  together  with 
some  smaller  and  in  the  main  republican  units,  served  as  balance  wheels 
in  always  precarious  equilibrium  of  the  east.  At  the  time  represented 
Media  Atropatene,  Armenia  and  Cappadocia  were  essentially  vassal 
states  of  the  Seleucids.     Pontus  and  Bithynia,  however,  and  also  Perga- 


78  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

mum  already  had  an  independent  existence.  Republicanism  in  this  world 
of  princes  outside  of  the  Greek  mainland  was  chiefly  represented  by  the 
city-state  of  Rhodes.  No  attempt  has  been  made  either  in  this  inset  or 
in  the  larger  map  to  note  the  political  affiliation  of  the  lesser  cities  and 
islands.  Their  status  at  a  given  period  was  likely  to  be  very  doubtful. 
The  attention  of  the  pupil  ought,  however,  in  connection  with  this  map  be 
directed  to  the  Celtic  settlements  in  central  Asia  Minor.  The  series'  of 
events  which  brought  these  barbarians  there  at  about  the  time  when  the 
Greek  cities  in  southern  Italy  with  the  help  of  Pyrrhus  were  vainly  trying 
to  fight  off  the  Italian  natives  is  suggestive  of  the  evident  weakening  of 
the  Hellenic  world. 

Bibliography.  On  the  general  considerations  connected  with 
these  maps  and  the  period  they  cover  see  MahaFFY,  Problems  in  Greek 
History,  chapter  8;  Mahaffy,  Progress  of  Hellenism;  Wheeler, 
Alexander;  Ferguson,  Greek  Imperialism;  Beloch,  Griechische 
Geschichte;  CUNNINGHAM.  Western  Civilization;  BREASTED,  Ancient 
Times;  BuRY,  History  of  Greece.  For  a  more  detailed  representation 
of  the  road  system  see  the  atlas  by  SHEPHERD  or  SlEGLIN.  Further 
detailed  material  on  the  events  of  Alexander's  career  and  the  history  of 
the  Diadochi  has  been  put  together  in  a  number  of  charts  by  Reich  in 
his  Atlas  Antiquus.  See  especially  plates  1  1-22.  The  presentation  is 
rather  heavy  and  involved,  but  the  book  may  with  proper  guidance  be 
used  by  those  who  are  interested  in  military  history. 

QUESTIONS 

Compute  the  area  of  the  Greco-Macedc^ian  power  at  the  time  of 
Alexander  and  compare  its  extent  with  the  lands  overrun  by  Alexander. 
Did  geographical  difficulties  render  more  hopeless  the  defense  of  the 
Persian  Empire?  Mention  several  obstacles  impeding  the  progress  of 
the  conqueror.  What  is  the  importance  of  the  Taurus  range  to  the 
Tigris-Euphrates  valley?  To  what  extent  was  traffic  in  this  period  carried 
on  over  navigable  rivers?  Point  out  the  chief  parts  of  the  old  Persian 
highway.  To  what  extent  are  the  roads  and  the  trading  posts  of  Alexan- 
der's time  still  significant  in  our  times?  Point  out  on  the  map  the  chief 
colonies' of  the  age  and  note  their  strategic  and  economic  significance. 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  79 

Trace  the  several  important  systems  of  intercommunication  between  the 
Far  East  and  the  West.  What  was  the  importance  of  Alexandria  in  this 
connection?  Name  some  of  the  merely  nominally  controlled  regions  in 
the  area  called  the  Empire  of  Alexander.  Why  does  Rhodes  become  so 
powerful  in  this  age  ?  Show  on  the  map  the  course  of  the  Celtic  invasion 
of  279  B.  C.  What  is  the  importance  of  the  cities  of  Babylon  and 
Seleucia  in  the  Tigris-Euphrates  valley? 


MAP  Bl  1 .    ANCIENT  ITALY 

Map  a.     Peoples  and  Tribes.     As  the  first  map  presenting 

Italy  is  ordinarily  supposed  to  deal  with  the  ethnological  questions  under- 
lying the  development  of  the  peninsula  this  series  gives  attention  to  the 
problem  in  a  special  map.  It  represents  the  period  around  500  B.  C. 
While  little  if  any  trustworthy  information  in  detail  is  available  as  to 
the  areas  covered  by  the  several  tribes  and  peoples,  the  situation  here  por- 
trayed seems  to  the  best  of  our  knowledge  substantially  correct.  It  will 
be  noted  that  in  the  main  the  map  sets  forth  both  the  close  relationship  of 
a  lot  of  the  lesser  tribes  and  the  presence  in  Italy  of  certain  broad  ethnic 
aggregates.  Chief  among  these  are  the  Italo-Latins,  the  Etruscans, 
Illyrians,  Iberians  and  Greeks. 

Numerous  and  vexing  problems  are  associated  with  any,  even  a  very 
superficial,  study  of  the  ethnic  conditions  in  early  Italy.  Among  the 
topics  we  know  least  about  and  have,  therefore,  most  trouble  in  bringing 
home  intelligently  to  the  pupil  is  that  of  the  pre-historic  inhabitants  of 
Italy,  those  populations  which  we  must  assume  as  having  preceded  the 
groups  just  mentioned,  and  as  having  then  been  either  absorbed  or  bred 
out  by  the  later  comers.  This  much  we  know,  the  men  of  the  Bronze 
and  Iron  Ages  and  of  the  Terramare  cannot  any  more  be  left  aside  as  a 
negligible  quantity.  They  had  their  own  role  to  play ;  they  built  up  their 
civilization  just  as  the  primitive  dweller  in  the  Aegean.  The  more  we 
learn  about  them  the  more  easily  shall  we  be  able  to  evaluate  the  part 
played  by  the  later  tribes  as  they  came  in  and  carried  on  the  work.  For 
a  brief  survey  of  the  problem  which  can  only  be  referred  to  here,  and  for 
some  slight  sketch  maps  relating  to  it,  see  JoNES,  Companion  to  Romcm 
History,  ch.  1 .  Note  also  the  excellent  summary  by  BoTSFORD  in  the 
HTM,  V.  5,  p.  230.  Other  convenient  accounts  are  those  in  Myres, 
Dan>n  of  History;  Lloyd,  The  Making  of  the  Roman  People;  and 
PeeT,  The  Stone  and  Bronze  Ages  in  Ital^  and  5ici/\j. 

Of  the  later  ethnic  groups  the  most  troublesome  and  elusive,  though 
for  a  study  of  Rome  and  Italy  also  one  of  the  most  fascinating,  are  the 

80 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  81 

Etruscans.  Who  they  were  and  whence  they  came  is  still  an  unsolved 
mystery.  There  are  extant  hundreds  of  inscriptions  in  their  language, 
but  so  far  not  one  has  been  deciphered.  Until  lately  the  view  prevailed 
that  this  mysterious  people  was  related  to  the  Rhaetian  stock  of  the  Alpine 
area,  and  that  they  had  come  into  Italy  from  the  north.  The  weight  of 
expert  opinion  now,  however,  seems  to  have  shifted.  The  evidence  at 
hand  is  now  generally  believed  to  prove  that  the  Etruscan  came  over  sea 
somewhere  around  I  000  B.C.,  and  originally  hails  from  the  northwestern 
section  of  Asia  Minor.  The  chief  proofs  for  this  view  are  archaeological. 
The  whole  view,  however,  if  true  has  this  important  bearing  on  any  his- 
torical consideration  of  the  whole  development  of  early  Italy:  it  brings 
to  Italy  before  the  Greek  colonization,  certainly  before  any  appreciable 
development  of  the  earliest  Greek  settlements  in  the  Mediterranean  (if 
we -bar  out  Minoan  influences)  a  much  advanced  stock,  partly  oriental 
and  partly  Hellenic  in  its  traditions  and  makeup.  The  bearing  of  such 
a  situation  on  a  treatment  of  early  Rome  is  extremely  interesting.  As- 
suming that  the  view  is  defensible  we  have  in  Italy  then  a  highly  civilized 
and  strongly  orientalized  population  forming  a  conquering  minority  and 
imposing  itself  in  a  loose  federative  way  gradually  over  the  regions  indi- 
cated on  the  map. 

There  are  three  distinct  areas  of  Etruscan  occupation  discernible 
on  the  map:  Etruria  proper,  the  holdings  beyond  the  Apennines,  and  a 
block  of  territory  running  south  to  Campania.  In  this  latter  section 
Etruscan  political  power  is  a  direct  neighbor  of  the  Greek  cities  by  about 
500  B.  C.  On  Map  B6  the  resulting  clash  has  been  referred  to,  and 
the  driving  out  of  the  Etruscan  by  the  Cumaean  Greeks  with  the  aid  of 
Syracuse  illustrated.  Possibly  the  hold  of  the  Etruscan  in  the  south  was 
neither  very  old  or  firm.  Their  recession  may  be  due  to  this  and  also  to 
the  incursions  of  new  tribes  into  their  other  sphere  of  influence  in  the 
valley  of  the  Po.  These  were  the  Celts  of  whom  special  note  will  be 
made.  To  the  teacher  of  Roman  History,  however,  all  these  various 
lesser  developments  must  remain  secondary  to  the  cardinal  fact  to  be 
brought  home  by  this  map,  namely,  that  the  tenure  of  the  Etruscans  in 
central  western  Italy  involves  Rome.  Rome's  environment  in  the  years 
of  its  growth  was  Greek  and  Etruscan.  Indeed  it  seems  more  and  more 
probable  that  the  youthful  state,  for  the  latter  portion  at  least  of  the  age 


82  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

ascribed  by  tradition  to  the  kings,  was  under  actual  political  domination 
by  these  northern  neighbors  (see  BREASTED,  Ancient  Times).  While 
our  present  knowledge  of  this  phase  of  the  early  ethnic  situation 
in  Italy  is  still  unsatisfactory  it  seems  clear  enough  to  indicate  this  fact 

by  color. 

Most  current  accounts  of  early  Italy  and  its  peoples  are  quite  inade- 
quate on  the  problem  of  the  Etruscan.  The  standard  modern  treatise  is 
that  by  Skutsch  and  KoERTE  in  the  Reallexicon  of  Pauly-Wissowa 
under  "Etrusker."  See  also  the  simple  statement  by  Myres  in  the 
Britannica;  FRANK  in  his  Roman  Imperialism,  p.  14  and  note;  HTM, 
V.  5,  p.  239;  RiDGEWAY,  Who  Were  the  Romans;  Sandys,  Com- 
panion to  Classical  Studies,  pp.  1  -24.  These  latter  references  are  useful 
also  for  the  general  ethnic  situation  in  Italy. 

The  Celts  or  Gauls,  mentioned  above  as  in  part  responsible  for  the 
weakening  of  Etruscan  power,  are  in  the  map  shown  as  occupants  of  a 
very  large  area  north  and  northwest  of  Italy.     Just  where  the  disseminat- 
ing point  of  these  tribes  is  to  be  found  has  not  been  determined.     The 
spread  of  their  power  involving  so  much  of  western  Europe  was  approxi- 
mately complete  somewhat  after  500  B.  C.     Isolated  tribal  groups  from 
this  general  stock  are  by  color  blocks  shown  a  good  deal  in  advance  of 
their  fellows.     These  are  the  Celts  who  made  trouble  for  the  Etruscan 
and  soon  also  for  the  Roman.     By  425  B.  C.  they  seem  to  have  been  in 
control  of  the  regions  marked.     From  this  time  on  they  seem  to  have 
been  an  ever  present  menace  to  the  populations  further  south.     The  mere 
presence  of  this  prolific  fighting  stock  in  what  is  undoubtedly  the  most 
fertile  section  of  Italy  and  at  a  point  from  which  they  might  at  will  make 
raids  into  the  lands  of  their  neighbors  was  a  constant  problem.     As  such 
it  must  even  for  this  early  date  be  stressed  in  the  classroom.      Specific 
instances  from  the  history  of  Rome  down  at  least  to  the  war  with  Hanni- 
bal are  so  well  known  and  numerous  that  the  student  cannot  escape  appre- 
ciating the  situation.     More  detailed  questions  relating  to  the  Celts  can 
be  found  succinctly  answered  in  RiCE  HoLMES,  Caesa/s  Conquest  of 

Caul. 

Of  the  Greeks  in  Italy  as  an  ethnic  element  nothing  further  need  be 
said  here.  Their  importance  for  the  development  of  early  Italy  and 
Rome  can  hardly  be  overstated.     The  teacher  will  do  well  to  use  in  addi- 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  83 

tion  to  the  present  map  also  B6  where  the  radiations  of  Greek  influence 
have  been  more  fully  indicated. 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  map  makes  no  distinction  between  the 
Latins  and  the  Italians.  The  teacher  of  history  at  least  is  not  much  con- 
cerned over  these  differences  as  far  as  they  have  been  clearly  determined 
at  all.  He  is  much  more  interested  in  the  evident  close  relationship  of 
the  two.  Except  for  linguistic  purposes,  and  when  confessedly  dealing 
with  more  detailed  problems  of  ethnology,  such  distinctions  seem  little 
practicable.  There  is  no  reason  why  teachers  of  today  should  aid  in  the 
perpetuation  of  the  chauvinistic  self-glorification  of  the  Roman  writers. 
To  them  the  Latin  stock  meant  something  special ;  at  least  they  endeavored 
as  far  as  possible  to  make  it  loom  large.  Rarely  if  ever  did  the  other 
Italian  peoples,  even  when  confessedly  part  of  the  Roman  state,  get  their 
due  credit.  The  teacher  must  see  and  impress  on  the  pupil  that  essential 
unity  of  the  Italian  and  Latin  peoples  as  it  expressed  itself  in  confedera- 
tions and  a  common  state  bearing  jointly  the  burden  of  the  conquest  of 
Italy  and  of  the  Mediterranean.  For  references  on  the  origin  and  char- 
acter of  this  stock  the  teacher  is  referred  to  the  books  quoted  above  in 
connection  with  the  Etruscan  problem. 

The  other  ethnic  groups  indicated  in  the  map  are  of  less  importance 
in  any  study  of  ancient  civilization  or  Roman  power.  Brief  reference 
to  them  will  suffice.  There  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  the  tribes,  of 
which  the  most  generally  known  goes  under  the  name  Messapians,  mi- 
grated to  Italy  from  across  the  Adriatic.  They  are,  therefore,  part  of 
the  general  stock  called  Illyrian.  The  same  relationship  seems  well 
established  for  the  Venetians  in  the  northeast  of  Italy.  In  fact  these  are 
a  mere  extension  of  the  lUyrians  whose  connection  with  the  mother  group 
was  disrupted  by  the  coming  of  the  Celts.  On  the  Illyrians,  see  the  titles 
quoted  above.  The  Ligurians  are  another  problematic  people,  like  the 
Etruscans,  though  their  active  role  in  history  and  their  influence  on  the 
developments  in  Italy  is  far  smaller.  They  are  now  either  considered 
as  the  late  descendants,  driven  to  the  mountains  by  later  arrivals,  of  the 
original  Iron  Age  Italian,  or  they  are  set  down  as  cousins  of  the  Iberian 
stock  so  prominent  in  Spain  and  in  the  islands  of  the  western  Mediter- 
ranean. Rice  Holmes  deals  with  these  people,  as  do  also  the  other 
authors  cited. 


84  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

QUESTIONS 

What  do  we  know  about  the  people  Hving  in  Italy  during  the 
Bronze  and  Iron  Ages?  Where  in  the  main  have  evidences  of  their  ex- 
istence been  found?  What  is  the  Terramare?  How  did  these  earlier 
populations  get  to  Italy  and  where  were  similar  peoples  to  be  found? 
How  and  in  what  general  era  did  Greek  settlers  come  to  Italy?  Where 
did  they  settle?  Why  did  they  not  occupy  also  other  portions  of  Italy? 
Who  are  the  Etruscans?  Where  do  you  find  their  power  established 
by  about  500  B.  C.  ?  When  did  they  lose  a  good  deal  of  their  territory? 
When  do  Celtic  tribes  begin  to  appear  in  Italy?  What  areas  in  western 
Europe  do  the  Celts  occupy?  What  is  the  significance  of  the  settlement 
of  the  Celts  in  the  Po  valley?  Do  you  think  that  they  in  an  indirect  way 
were  helpful  to  Rome  in  its  career  toward  supremacy  in  Italy?  What 
is  the  ethnic  relationship  of  the  Venetians  and  of  the  Messapians?  Has 
it  any  bearing  on  the  modern  situation  in  Italy  and  the  Balkans?  What 
territory  is  occupied  by  the  Ligurians,  and  why  is  their  position  at  that 
point  significant  for  later  Roman  History? 


MAP  B.     MILITARY  AND  POLITICAL  ORGANI- 
ZATION ABOUT  90  B.C. 

The  purpart  of  this  second  map,  in  time  and  in  content  so  re- 
mote from  its  neighbor,  is  to  furnish  a  graphic  representation  of  how 
Rome  organized  and  held  Italy.  Only  incidentally  is  it  to  serve  also  in 
illustration  of  the  historical  events  of  the  period  to  which  properly  it 
belongs.  As  such  it  conveys  to  the  pupil  an  idea  of  the  seriousness  of  the 
rising  of  Rome's  allies  in  90  B.  C.  In  fact,  since  in  a  way  this  revolt 
may  be  regarded  as  proof  that  ultimately  Rome's  system  of  control  broke 
down,  the  map  could  not  well  represent  with  equal  justification  any  other 
age.  The  map  shows  Rome's  means  and  methods  of  control.  Now, 
neither  the  one  nor  the  other  exhibits  much  change  between  about  265  and 
90  B.  C.  That  then  is  an  added  reason  for  the  choice  of  this  particular 
date.  The  material  for  the  representation  of  the  differences  in  political 
status  was  in  the  main  taken  from  Beloch,  Der  Italische  Bund.  In 
that  treatise  the  teacher  will  find  another  map  on  the  same  subject  for  the 
period  just  preceding  the  war  with  Hannibal. 

Stripped  of  all  complication,  the  map  presents  clearly  Rome's 
central  policy  of  domination  used  in  Italy  and  elsewhere,  the  policy  of 
divide  and  command.  Further,  it  brings  out  the  fact  that  in  the  service 
of  this  principle  the  Romans  were  always  materially  aided  by  the 
binding  and  fusing  force  of  adequate  systems  of  communication  and  of 
colonies. 

Regions  directly  a  part  of  the  Roman  state  in  the  narrower  sense, 
whether  they  be  the  lands  organized  under  the  tribe  units  or  the  properties 
of  citizen  colonies,  are  shown  in  buff.  Two  other  colors,  green  and 
yellow,  are  used  to  show  sections  merely  allied  to  the  Roman  state,  viz., 
the  Latin  Colonies  and  the  Allied  States.  Fundamentally,  therefore, 
the  pupil  can  be  made  to  see  that  Rome  in  organizing  her  conquests  and 
fitting  new  territories  into  the  existing  body  politic  did  so  either  by  in- 
corporation or  by   alliance.      A  broadly  satisfactory   statement   on   the 

85 


86  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

details  of  this  policy  from  this  specific  angle  can  be  found  in  HeiTLAND, 
History  of  the  Roman  Republic. 

The  statesmanship  of  Rome  in  devising  and  applying  this  scheme 
has  often  been  unduly  lauded.  As  a  device,  it  holds  no  mystery  in  its 
main  principles  and  is  not  new.  Without  insisting  that  it  was  borrowed, 
the  teacher  yet  may  find  it  valuable  to  point  to  similar  methods  employed 
by  Athens,  for  instance,  in  the  Delian  League  and  the  Empire.  It  is 
in  the  application  of  the  system  that  the  younger  community  seems  to  have 
been  wiser — or  we  may  say,  the  temptation  to  a  masterful  leveling  or 
nullifying  of  differences  of  status  because  of  circumstances  came  to  Rome 
much  later  than  to  Athens.  Her  structure,  therefore,  stood  longer  and 
survived  remarkably  well  even  such  a  severe  test  as  the  years  of  Hanni- 
bal's campaign  in  Italy  brought. 

A  broad  outline  of  Rome's  practice,  as  it  can  be  readily  taught  from 
the  map,  is  the  following:  All  incorporated  areas,  property  and  peoples 
— barring,  of  course,  stranger  residents — are  legally  citizen  in  character. 
On  the  map  this  is  the  portion  shown  in  buff.  Within  this  body  there  are 
several  practical  and  legal  shadings  of  status  which  the  map  cannot  indi- 
cate and  the  teacher  must  provide.  The  other  rubric  contains  allies, 
again  in  varying  degree  of  participation  or  dependence  in  the  Roman- 
Italian  confederation.  Among  these  the  map  indicates  only  the  two  chief 
divisions,  the  Latin  colonies  and  the  Latin  and  Italian  Allies.  Here 
again  the  pupil  must  be  made  to  realize  the  more  detailed  divergences  as 
far  as  that  seems  necessary  to  the  individual  teacher. 

Throughout  the  structure  Rome's  hand  is  apparent.  This  will  be 
especially  evident  when  a  study  of  the  roads  and  fortifications  is  made. 
On  the  map  the  city  looks  almost  like  a  spider  in  the  center  of  its  web. 
But  while  this  is  true,  and  while  from  the  mere  constitutional  angle  es- 
pecially Rome  the  City  looms  large,  the  practical  facts  of  historical  prog- 
ress show  that  the  allies  and  citizens  of  lesser  right  must  be  considered  as 
something  more  than  unwilling  tools  and  dupes  of  the  city.  In  the  con- 
federation from  at  least  the  latter  part  of  the  fifth  century  there  was  an 
opportunity  for  participation  in  varying  degree  in  the  political,  social  and 
economic  life  of  the  whole  for  all  citizens,  whatever  their  degree,  and  for 
all  types  of  allies.  The  teacher  will  do  well  to  stress  the  fact  that  mem- 
bership in  a  state  means  not  merely  sharing  in  political  privileges  and  that 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  87 

the  actual  development  of  the  Roman  Confederation  proves  this.  The 
divergence  established  by  the  statesmen  of  Rome  thus  provides  a  safety 
valve  for  ambition  and  energy  and  a  bar  to  common  discontent.  The 
leaders  knew  there  would  be  trouble  and  rivalries.  By  shrewdly  dis- 
tributing political  privilege  and  practical  public  opportunities  in  varying 
degree  opposition  is  localized  and  rendered  relatively  harmless. 

The  proof  of  the  policy  is  the  revolt  of  90  B.  C.  By  that  time 
the  laws  and  contracts  made  with  the  several  regions  and  communities, 
while  in  theory  they  still  held  good,  had  been  wiped  out  in  fact.  A  gulf 
had  been  fixed  between  the  citizen  and  the  ally,  almost  as  wide  as  that 
established  between  the  Roman  and  the  provincial,  but  more  dangerous 
because  of  the  tradition  of  a  common  origin  and  a  common  task  success- 
fully performed.  Equal  subjection  bred  like  resentment  and  a  very 
general  rising  is  the  outcome.  The  teacher  must  show  areas  affected  by 
this  rebellion,  indicating  as  far  as  possible  rebel  and  loyal  regions.  Also 
the  pupil  must  be  shown  what  the  final  belated  grant  and  offer  of  citizen- 
ship meant  to  Italy.  On  the  whole  matter  as  a  topic  for  classroom  work 
see  Westermann  in  the  HTM,  V.  6,  pp.  1  03  ff.  Also  see  FRANK, 
Roman  Imperialism;  Abbott,  Political  and  Constitutional  History  of 
Rome;  Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Life;  likewise  the  standard  histories 
of  the  Republic. 

The  teacher  can  in  a  way  put  more  life  into  this  problem  and  present 
it  more  adequately  if  he  uses  as  a  parallel  the  practices  of  the  British  Em- 
pire especially  in  India.  Any  good  modern  map  of  India  showing  in 
detail  the  differences  of  political  relationship  there  will  suffice.  A  con- 
venient little  text  is  HoLDERNESS,  Peoples  and  Problems  of  India. 

Another  interesting  problem  in  the  development  of  Roman  power  In 
Italy  can  also  be  studied  from  this  map  with  some  advantage.  Rome 
conquered  Italy  jointly  with  her  allies.  The  spoils  of  war  especially  in 
land  ought  in  fairness  and  according  to  special  engagements  have  been 
apportioned  accordingly.  Was  this  done?  The  allies  repeatedly  said 
"No."  The  map,  since  it  shows  the  sections  assigned  to  or  left  in  the 
hands  of  the  allies,  though  in  specific  detail  it  cannot  be  made  to  show  this 
accurately,  furnishes  an  aid  in  determining  for  the  student  how  far  Rome 
kept  her  promise.  Perhaps  the  best  basis  of  an  inquiry  is  a  following  out 
of  the  Latin  colonies. 


88  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

Rome's  policy  of  "divide  and  command"  was  specially  reinforced 
by  certain  other  contrivances.  They  are  the  colonies  and  the  road  sy^siem. 
Indeed,  without  an  adequate  notion  of  these  two  factors  an  intelligent 
grasp  on  the  policy  as  such  and  on  the  whole  course  of  Rome's  history  is 
quite  impossible.  In  a  sense  it  is  very  true  that  Rome's  history  might  well 
be  written  from  the  point  of  view  of  her  colonies  and  her  roads.  Owing 
to  difficulties  of  space  it  has  not  been  practicable  to  enter  all  the  highways 
on  the  map.  Only  the  more  important  ones  will  be  found.  For  a  more 
detailed  presentation  the  pupil  must  use  in  addition  the  small  atlases  of 
PuTZGER  or  Shepherd.  Furthermore,  the  character  of  our  informa- 
tion makes  it  difficult  to  set  down  the  road  system  as  it  grew  from  age  to 
age.  The  details  in  this  connection  as  far  as  they  help  in  the  appreciation 
of  Rome's  forward  movement  can  and  ought  in  connection  with  the 
various  periods  be  furnished  by  the  teacher.  Substantially  this  map  is 
accurate  for  the  period  indicated. 

The  pupil  will  immediately  note  one  fact:  All  parts,  especially 
every  vital  or  endangered  area  of  Italy  is  through  the  network  of  roads 
made  accessible  without  much  loss  of  time.  The  teacher  will  with  ad- 
vantage here  refer  to  the  neighboring  map  and  make  the  student  fix  more 
specifically  the  consistently  hostile  peoples,  and  thus  the  benefit  Rome 
derived  from  its  roads  in  keeping  them  under  control  and  guarding  its 
advancing  frontier  lines.  In  this  connection  see  also  Map  B12  on  the 
Growth  of  Roman  Power  in  Italy.  A  second  point  must  be  impressed* 
upon  the  student.  A  road  system  of  this  kind,  covering  all  Italy  and 
splendidly  constructed  and  maintained,  reflects  a  well-organized,  self- 
confident,  purposeful  and  watchful  state.  None  other  could  muster  the 
concerted  effort  required  for  its  construction  and  upkeep  alone. 

It  is  everywhere  quite  apparent  that  the  purpose  of  these  roads  is  dis- 
tinctly military.  For  that  reason  they  are  at  all  times  closely  associated 
with  the  colonial  system  which  also  is  military.  Indeed  these  foundations 
are  in  one  sense  nothing  more  than  garrisons  connected  by  strategic  high- 
ways. This  fact,  of  course,  does  not  deny  the  social  and  especially  the 
economic  importance  of  the  gridiron  of  roads.  We  know  quite  definitely 
that  the  Roman  with  his  peculiarly  hard  sense  of  practical  values  saw 
both  of  these  incidental  advantages  and  made  use  of  them.  In  this  sense 
the  early  commercial  connection  between  Rome  and  the  part  of  the  west- 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  89 

ern  coast  down  to  the  Bay  of  Naples  may  be  an  interesting  illustration. 
The  map  too  must  be  used  to  show  how  Italy  and  Rome  are  linked 
up  with  their  holdings  outside  of  the  peninsula,  especially  in  the  northeast 
and  the  northwest.  Similarly  the  end  points  of  the  roads  at  Brundisium 
and  Rhegium  must  be  explained.  The  rapidity  with  which  Rome  could 
draw  forces  from  or  throw  armies  into  any  of  these  regions  can  thus  be 
roughly  estimated.  For  a  more  adequate  realization  of  this  angle  of  the 
problem  teacher  and  pupil  are  referred  to  Map  B1  5  where  special  effort 
has  been  directed  toward  the  setting  forth  of  this  situation  in  connection 

with  Gaul. 

Many  of  the  great  public  roads  of  Italy  were  doubtless  constructed 
to  follow  older  and  more  primitive  local  arteries  of  trade  and  communi- 
cation. Even  though  these  may  not  have  been  more  than  crude  paths 
and  pack  trails,  their  existence  is  significant.  The  Via  Salaria  is  one  of 
these  very  early  avenues.  While  the  date  of  construction  of  the  various 
later  official  state  highways  is  in  itself  significant  enough,  this  must  not 
be  taken  to  mean  that  in  the  age  prior  to  the  particular  construction  Rome 
was  unable  to  project  her  power  into  the  regions  to  be  served  by  the  new 
system.  The  approximate  time  of  the  building  of  the  several  major  roads 
is  herewith  appended.  The  Appian  Road  in  31  2  B.  C,  the  Latin  Way 
still  earlier,  though  the  date  is  not  known,  the  Aurelian  in  241,  the 
Clodian  in  225,  the  Flaminian  in  220,  the  Aemilian  in  1  89,  the  Popilian 
in  I  59,  the  Valerian  in  I  54,  the  Postumian  in  148.  the  later  Popihan  in 
1  32,  the  Cassian  before  1  25  and  the  Road  of  Aemihus  Scaurus  in  1  09. 
The  occasion,  military  and  political,  of  these  various  constructions  can 
be  gathered  from  any  more  specific  account  of  the  Republic,  for  instance 
in  Heitland  or  Mommsen.  ,  Reading  on  the  roads  in  general  and  consid- 
erations connected  with  them  will  be  found  in  JoNES,  Companion,  pp. 
22  ff;  Sandys,  Companion,  p.  422;  HTM,  V.  5,  p.  323  and  V.  6,  p. 
1 03 ;  Skeel,  Travel  in  the  Early  Empire. 

Roman  colonies  were  settlements  of  Roman  citizens,  of  Latins,  and 
of  Italians.  Just  what  proportions  of  each  were  sent  out  either  into  the 
citizen  or  the  Latin  colonies  we  do  not  know.  It  is  certain  though  that 
for  the  first  variety  citizenship  was  not  always  a  criterion  and  for  the  last 
also  no  hard  and  fast  lines  of  membership  according  to  status  were  drawn. 
That  such  settlements  should  be  hearths  and  radiating  points  of  Roman 


90  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

influence  is  obvious.  This  besides  their  primary  function  as  garrisons  was 
unquestionably  their  chief  purpose.  The  pupil  must  be  made  aware  of 
this  by  a  definite  study  of  some  area,  for  instance  the  Po  valley.  This 
can  best  be  done  in  conjunction  with  either  of  the  two  succeeding  maps  of 
Italy  in  which  the  gradual  growth  of  Rome  in  Italy  is  shown.  While  thus 
Rome  perpetuated  herself  and  expanded  by  colonization  we  cannot  here  as 
in  Greece  say  that  the  new  settlements  were  consciously  founded  as 
economic  or  social  safety  valves.  To  be  sure,  they  could  not  avoid  being 
that  in  practice,  but  we  know  of  no  colonies  with  either  of  these  motives 
until  the  age  of  the  Gracchi.  The  pupil  who  is  studying  Rome's  advance 
through  colonization  in  the  corporate  sense  should  be  reminded  that  con- 
current with  this  extension  of  Rome  on  a  large  scale  there  went  always  the 
individual  assignment  of  lands  in  the  newly  conquered  areas.  For  a  long 
time  also,  especially  in  the  age  when  land  seemed  plentiful  and  the  gov- 
ernment not  very  rigid  in  its  supervision,  plenty  of  squatting  on  public 
land  especially  by  the  upper  classes  was  practiced. 

Not  by  any  means  the  whole  list  of  colonies  known  to  us  has  been 
entered  on  the  map,  though  by  the  colony  symbol  alone,  as  in  Map  B6, 
almost  a  complete  picture  of  the  situation  has  been  given.  The  emphasis 
for  the  map  as  a  whole  has  again  been  put  on  making  the  student  realize 
the  density  of  colonization,  not  to  furnish  him  a  mere  reference  list.  The 
missing  names  are  either  supplied  in  Map  B 1  2  or  they  can  be  taken  from 
the  atlases  of  SHEPHERD,  PUTZGER  or  SlEGLIN. 

For  chronological  tables  of  the  colonies  during  the  Republic  see 
HeITLAND,  V.  1 ,  pp.  1  72  and  222  and  V.  2,  p.  1  44.  See  also  on  the 
subject  as  a  whole  Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Life;  HTM,  V.  6,  p. 
103  and  V.  5,  p.  323;  Sandys,  Companion,  p.  383;  NiSSEN,  Italische 
Landeskunde,  V.  2,  pp.  49-61  ;  Reid,  Municipalities  in  the  Roman 
Empire.  The  best  treatment  on  the  colony  as  such  with  lists,  dates  and 
all  other  apparatus  is  in  the  Reallexicon  of  Pauly-Wissowa  under 
"Colonia."  See  also  the  general  references  on  colonization  under 
Map  B6. 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  91 

QUESTIONS 

Name  the  chief  categories  under  which  Rome  organized  its  newly 
gained  territories.  Which  areas  do  you  find  especially  pre-empted  by 
Rome  for  its  citizens,  either  active  or  passive?  Is  there  any  significance 
in  this  selection?  Why  is  the  central  region  of  Italy  so  firmly  in  the 
power  of  the  citizen  class?  Why  does  the  old  Samnite  area  on  the  other 
hand  show  even  as  late  as  the  Social  War  preeminently  allied  status? 
Why  does  the  same  seem  true  for  Etruscan  territory?  Compare  in  a 
rough  way  the  amount  of  land  controlled  by  Rome  and  that  held  by  its 
allies  and  the  Latin  colonists.  What  type  of  organization  do  you  find  in 
Campania,  and  why  is  it  significant?  Can  you  fix  on  the  map  in  a  general 
way  those  regions  which  rose  against  Rome  during  the  Social  War?  Is 
there  any  significance  in  noting  the  towns  and  sections  which  remained 
loyal?  According  to  the  map  what  advantages  did  Rome  have  over 
against  the  rebels?  What  is  the  demonstrable  relation  of  the  road  system 
to  the  political  and  military  organization  of  Italy  under  Rome?  In  what 
manner  are  roads  and  colonies  closely  interdependent?  What  special  ad- 
vantages outside  of  the  military  sphere  did  Rome  derive  from  the  follow- 
ing highways:  the  Salt  Way,  the  Appian  Way,  Popilian,  Flaminian  and 
Aemilian  Way?  Name  a  few  of  the  main  stations  on  the  Appian  and 
the  Flaminian  Ways.  Name  the  chief  highways  draining  the  Po  valley. 
Give  roughly  the  proportion  of  the  Latin  to  the  Roman  colonies.  Where 
mainly  were  the  former  and  where  the  latter  placed?  Has  this  distinc- 
tion any  significance?  Where  especially  would  either  type  of  colony 
when  established  act  prominently  as  a  radiating  point  of  Roman  civiliza- 
tion and  point  of  view?  Name  some  prominent  modern  cities  in  northern 
Italy  which  once  upon  a  time  were  either  Roman  or  Latin  colonies. 
Which  modem  Italian  port  acts  very  much  in  the  same  capacity  as  when 
Caesar  was  in  pursuit  of  Pompey  or  Sulla  embarking  for  his  province  in 
the  east? 


MAP  B12.     GROWTH  OF  ROMAN  POWER  IN 

ITALY 

This  map  In  two  consecutive  representations  of  Italy  shows  the 
growth  of  Roman  power  from  the  days  when  the  city  was  an  unimportant 
local  center  to  the  time  when  it  had  achieved  domination  over  the  whole 
peninsula  to  the  Arno.  It  presents,  therefore,  the  several  initial  steps  in 
Rome's  imperialism  and  is  followed  by  two  additional  maps  concerned 
with  the  further  progress  of  Rome  (see  Maps  B14  and  B16).  The 
three  maps  are  arranged  in  sequence  following  out  the  principles  announced 
earlier  (see  p.  42  and  p.  65). 

As  far  as  this  particular  map  is  concerned  Rome  at  best  is  still  a 
distinctly  Italian  power,  though  in  the  last  stage  of  its  career  toward 
mastery  it  did  come  into  conflict  with  the  world  politics  of  the  day  as 
represented  by  Pyrrhus  and  Carthage.  The  outer  chronological  limits 
used  for  the  two  representations  will  be  quite  intelligible.  The  lesser  di- 
visions of  time  have  of  necessity  been  chosen  somewhat  arbitrarily,  but  a 
brief  sketch  of  the  development  portrayed  in  the  maps  will  show  the 
reasons  for  the  adoption  of  these  inner  limits. 

Rome's  first  territorial  progress  is  no  better  known  to  us  than  any  of 
the  other  phases  of  her  origin  and  early  growth.  Tradition  speaks  in 
rather  large  terms  of  very  unimportant  accessions  of  territory  in  the  age 
of  the  so-called  monarchy.  By  the  end  of  this  period,  though  we  are  not 
very  certain  of  the  facts,  we  feel  that  Rome  can  be  credited  with  control 
of  the  land  from  the  foothills  of  the  Apennines  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber, 
together  with  a  small  slice  north  of  the  river.  In  the  main  it  controls 
northwestern  Latium. 

For  at  least  a  century,  using  the  traditional  chronology,  Rome's 
progress  was  very  small.  Indeed,  the  very  possession  of  its  section  of 
Latium  seems  to  have  been  endangered  by  the  neighboring  tribal  units. 
Certainly  it  seems  clear  that  in  about  the  last  quarter  of  the  fifth  century 
the  city  had  to  fight  hard  to  retain  and  confirm  her  hold  there  (about 
430-405  B.  C).     Shortly  before  the  coming  of  the  Gauls,  however, 

92 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  93 

it  appears  to  have  successfully  weathered  this  storm.  At  approximately 
the  same  time  the  tenacious  resistance  of  southern  Etruria  was  overcome 
through  the  capture  and  incorporation  of  Veii.  Rome  by  about  390 
B.  C.  definitely  lords  it  over  the  lower  reaches  of  the  Tiber  and  is  the 
champion  of  the  Latin  plains  against  Etruscan,  Volscian  and  Gaul. 

Her  interests  after  the  Gallic  catastrophe  and  its  invigorating  in- 
fluence begin  naturally  to  point  southward.  Along  the  coast  lay  the  fertile 
plains  of  Campania  with  its  flourishing  Greek  or  Hellenized  cities.  An 
advance  into  these  regions  involved  pre-eminently  also  the  fortunes  of  the 
Latins  who  in  alliance  with  her  had  so  far  held  back  the  hill  tribes  and 
thrown  back  the  Etruscans.  Any  forward  movement  at  that  point  would 
be  a  pushing  forward  of  their  own  Latin  frontiers  and  would  open  the 
question  of  the  division  of  the  spoils  between  themselves  and  their  Roman 
leader  and  confederate.  It  would  in  the  second  place  vitally  involve 
the  future  of  another  confederation,  more  loosely  knit  it  would  seem,  but 
with  a  distinct  policy  of  its  own — the  Samnites.  In  the  troubles  down 
to  the  year  338  B.  C,  the  details  of  which  are  dark  to  us  now,  both  of 
these  problems  meet.  Rome  advances  selfishly  and  sees  her  alliance 
break  up.  Successful  in  overcoming  the  revolt  she  forces  her  confederates 
back  into  a  much  more  centralized  league  and  at  the  same  time  receives 
the  partly  voluntary,  partly  forced  homage  of  the  Campanians  down  to  a 
line  due  north  of  Naples. 

In  essence  this  meant  two  things.  The  Campanians,  of  old  Samnite 
stock,  had  lined  themselves  up  with  Rome,  and  thereby  effectively  blocked 
any  further  adequate  expansion  toward  the  coast  of  their  old  fellow 
tribesmen.  Only  the  preoccupation  of  the  Samnites  in  Apulia  at  about 
this  time  seems  to  explain  why  they  did  not  directly  object  by  force  of 
arms. 

The  inevitable  clash  between  the  two  confederations  came  as  soon 
as  the  Samnites  had  disencumbered  themselves  in  the  South.  It  led  to 
what  the  Romans  never  forgot  as  the  Great  Samnite  War.  The  prize 
was  the  confirmation  of  the  hold  on  the  Campanian  coastlands  to  above 
Naples,  the  control  over  the  central  tribal  units  of  Italy  and  thereby  in 
reality  the  mastery  of  Italy.  The  issue  was  fairly  joined  and  seems  to 
have  been  generally  understood.  The  war  came  to  involve  on  the  side 
of  the  Samnite  Confederation  the  Etruscans  and  Gauls,  on  the  side  of 


94  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

Rome  the  Apulians.  After  ups  and  downs,  in  which  the  memory  of 
Romans  looked  back  with  shame  and  sorrow  to  days  like  those  of 
Caudium,  Rome's  better  organization  and  strategic  position  carried  the 
day.  She  did  not  yet  have  the  strength  to  absorb  her  most  inveterate 
rivals,  the  Etruscans  and  Samnites,  but  she  did  gain  her  other  points. 
The  coastlands  are  retained  and  a  wedge  of  land  is  thrown  across  Italy 
which  gives  Rome  the  heart  of  the  peninsula  and  bars  collusion  between 
her  most  dangerous  foes  north  and  south.  To  add  to  her  advantage  she 
establishes  an  outpost  in  her  alliance  with  the  tribes  in  northern  Apulia. 
They  are  Roman  guards  in  the  rear  of  the  Samnites. 

The  arrangements  closing  the  Samnite  War  are  temporary.  Will 
the  verdict  against  the  Samnites  and  the  Etruscans  be  accepted  by  these 
as  final?  Will  they  and  their  possible  allies,  all  old  and  potential  enemies 
of  Rome,  be  content  to  accept  defeat  after  one  trial  at  arms?  The  almost 
immediate  renewal  of  the  conflict  with  Sanmites,  Etruscans  and  Gauls 
fighting  side  by  side  against  the  new  master  of  Italy  is  the  answer.  Swift 
blows  by  Rome  from  out  of  her  well  entrenched  and  consolidated  hold- 
ings in  central  Italy  in  a  few  years  decide  the  issue.  By  290  Rome  is 
in  actual  control  of  the  lands  of  her  rivals. 

To  the  Greeks  of  southern  Italy  and  Sicily,  whose  only  able  leader, 
Agathocles,  died  in  289  B.  C,  the  new  power  was  a  menace  worse  than 
any  of  the  older  tribal  aggregations  which  had  pressed  down  upon  them 
from  the  north.  Unable  to  trust  to  their  own  power  they  called  upon  a 
representative  of  Alexandrine  imperialism  to  help  them  stem  the  tide. 
The  coming  of  Pyrrhus  put  Rome  to  the  final  test.  For  the  first  time  she 
met  the  full  strategy  and  military  equipment  of  the  east;  once  more  also 
she  confronted  a  rising  of  Samnite  and  Etruscan  and  the  hostility  of  the 
Gaul  of  the  north.  She  overcame  all  these  dangers  and  then  leisurely 
proceeded  to  gather  up  the  remnants.  By  265  B.  C.  this  latter  process 
was  completed  and  Rome  holds  Italy  to  the  Arno. 

Such  in  brief  is  the  outline  of  the  development  the  map  graphically 
shows.  Convenient  and  suggestive  accounts  of  the  history  involved  which 
will  amplify  the  hints  here  given  are  to  be  found  in  pRANK,  Roman  Im- 
perialism; Pelham,  Outlines  of  Roman  History;  NiESE,  Crundriss  der 
Romischen  Ceschicie;  FoWLER,  Rome;  MoMMSEN,  History  of  Rome. 
Fof  specific  points  in  considerable  detail,  though  perhaps  too  conservatively 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  95 

treated  especially  in  the  earlier  age,  see  Heitland,  Roman  Republic, 
The  teacher  here  as  elsewhere  in  Roman  history  will  find  much  comfo.t 
in  BoTSFORD,  Syllabus  of  Roman  History, 

A  few  suggestions  more  directly  connected  with  the  maps  as  auxili- 
aries in  the  teaching  of  this  period  may  be  in  place.  The  teacher  will  note 
that  the  names  of  only  the  chief  enemy  groups  with  whom  Rome  in  the 
course  of  her  Italian  expansion  collided  are  inserted.  For  minor  details 
he  must  consult  some  convenient  atlas  like  Shepherd  or  Putzger. 

The  point  of  Rome's  rivalry  with  Samnium  is  very  well  illustrated 
if  the  colony  foundations  are  noted.  For  this  reason  they  are  given  in 
this  map  with  the  date  appended  and  associated  as  far  as  possible  with 
the  expansive  stage  to  which  they  belong.  The  teacher  must  also  note 
the  relative  number  of  Latin  and  Roman  colonies  in  this  area  (compare 
here  Map  B 1  1 ) .  Let  the  pupil  also  realize  the  importance  in  the 
struggle  with  Samnium  of  such  a  fortress  settlement  as  for  instance 
Venusia.  Likewise,  colonies  founded  essentially  in  advance  of  general 
territorial  incorporation,  during  a  period  when  in  a  sense  the  region  is 
still  merely  'sphere  of  influence,'  must  be  noted.  Examples  of  such 
expansion  are  Sutrium  and  Nepete  in  southern  Etruria. 

After  her  conquest  is  assured  Rome  is  more  than  ever  a  confederacy 
politically,  though  of  course  with  a  greater  dominance  by  the  city  than 
ever,  and  a  composite  state  in  every  other  respect.  Above  all  the  teacher 
must  make  the  student  realize  what  the  inclusion  of  Etruscan  and  Greek 
elements  involves.  To  some  of  the  Greek  states  of  the  south  Rome  had 
been  a  champion  and  protector  even  before  the  conflict  with  Pyrrhus. 
Now  that  she  includes  all  the  Greeks  of  Italy  she  is  more  than  ever 
morally  bound  to  carry  on  the  burden  of  Agathocles,  the  task  in  which 
presumptious  Tarentum  had  failed.  Rome,  the  barbarian  from  the  north, 
as  the  political  and  military  patron  of  the  Greek  west,  must  undertake  to 
protect  this  Hellenic  area  against  its  old  enemy,  her  own  temporary  friend 
Carthage.  Rome  directly  becomes  involved  with  this  power  (see  Map 
B14). 


90  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

QUESTIONS 

By  what  time  can  Rome  be  considered  as  the  dominant  power  in 
Italy?  What  are  the  several  stages  in  her  achievement  of  this  position? 
What  role  was  played  in  these  conquests  by  the  Latins?  Why  did  Rome 
come  to  blows  with  Samnium?  What  dangerous  alliances  against  Rome 
can  you  point  out  from  the  map?  What  advantages  did  Rome  have  in 
the  last  Samnite  War?  What  is  the  importance  of  Rome's  advance 
into  the  Greek  South  of  Italy?  Why  did  the  Samnites  not  attack  Rome 
earlier?  What  would  a  victory  over  Rome  have  meant  to  Pyrrhus? 
Show  how  political  organization  and  power  in  Italy  moved  from  the 
plains  and  coast  inland.  What  is  the  importance  of  the  conquest  of 
Veii?  Illustrate  from  the  map  the  significance  of  the  colonies  of  Rome 
in  her  program  of  expansion.  Indicate  the  complexity  of  the  Roman 
state  from  the  point  of  view  of  stock  and  population  in  265  B.  C. 


MAP  BI3.     ROME 

This  map  depicts  separately  Republican  and  Imperial  Rome  and 
gives  besides  a  small  detail  plan  of  the  Fora  of  the  Emperors.  In  a 
sense,  therefore,  the  map  shows  the  stage  on  which  formally  at  least  the 
decisions  were  made  which  for  many  centuries  determined  the  fortunes  of 
a  world.  This  complex  of  plans  is  not  merely  designed  to  assist  in  the 
study  of  Roman  history  but  may  be  employed  also  in  the  teaching  of 
Latin,  Roman  art  and  archaeology  and  kindred  topics.  For  practical 
reasons  and  because  our  data  are  not  what  we  should  hke  them  to  be,  no 
attempt  has  been  made  to  give  an  exhaustive  representation  of  the  area 
known  to  us  by  excavation  or  otherwise.  However,  all  the  important 
sites  and  structures  have  been  indicated.  For  more  specific  information 
see  the  ground  plans  in  the  atlases  of  SHEPHERD  or  PuTZGER,  or  the 
special  works  cited  below. 

The  map  itself  and  the  devices  employed  for  graphic  representation 
are  self  explanatory.  A  detailed  commentary  on  the  several  structures 
would  in  a  manual  of  this  sort  be  impossible.  It  may  be  profitable,  how- 
ever, to  sketch  in  a  very  general  way  the  historic  growth  of  the  city  and 
to  append  some  references  useful  both  to  the  pupil  and  teacher  who  may 
wish  to  have  specific  points  in  the  map  explained  more  fully. 

Republican  Rome:  According  to  tradition  the  earliest  sacred 
limit  (pomerium)  of  the  city  enclosed  the  hill  of  the  Palatine.  It  was 
by  nature  well  fortified  and  located  in  the  center  of  a  group  of  heights 
either  isolated,  such  as  the  Capitoline  or  Aventine,  or  projecting  as  prom- 
ontories from  adjoining  table-lands,  such  as  the  Quirinal,  Viminal,  Caelian 
or  Esquiline.  This  early  stage  of  the  city  is  shown  on  the  map  by  a 
broken  boundary  Hne  and  by  its  ancient  name  Roma  Quadrata.  Its 
area  was  equivalent  to  about  25  acres.  The  depressions  or  valleys  be- 
tween the  several  hills,  especially  such  regions  as  the  Forum,  the  Velabrum 
and  the  Subura  were  in  part  quite  marshy  and  subject  to  periodical 
floodings — not  especially  desirable,  therefore,  for  settlement,  particularly 

97 


98  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

in  the  age  before  the  construction  of  the  drainage  system,  the  best  illustra- 
tion of  which  is  the  Cloaca  Maxima. 

The  very  advantage  of  the  Palatine  as  a  site  for  settlement  appar- 
ently made  it  necessary  for  the  early  occupants  to  add  to  its  natural  de- 
fenses. Tradition  speaks  of  an  earthen  agger,  and  besides  we  know 
from  remnants  that  very  soon  walls  of  tufa  were  added.  In  a  general  way 
this  stone  may  be  regarded  as  the  building  material  of  the  age.  It  was 
obtained  right  on  the  ground.  The  earliest  structures  of  Roma  Quadrata, 
however,  have  disappeared  and  only  the  site  of  the  Lupercal  appears 
reasonably  well  established. 

The  Palatine  settlement  was  not  the  only  one  in  this  region  of  the 
Tiber.  All  around  it,  on  lesser  elevations  and  elsewhere,  traces  of  what 
seem  to  have  been  smaller  communities  have  been  detected.  They  date 
from  the  Iron  Age  and  occupy  for  instance  portions  of  the  later  Forum 
and  of  the  Esquiline.  Perhaps  this  little  group  of  settlements  in  a  loose 
way  formed  a  league,  the  religious  expression  of  which  was  a  common 
festival  still  celebrated  very  much  later  in  fully  authenticated  times  under 
the  name  of  the  Feast  of  the  Septimontium. 

Rome  itself,  the  republican  city  as  we  have  it  on  the  map,  was  the 
product  of  an  amalgamation  which  must  have  taken  place  early  in  the 
age  of  the  chieftaincy.  The  original  community  of  Latins  on  the  Pala- 
tine and  its  village  neighbors  according  to  tradition  fused  with  another 
similar  group  on  the  Quirinal  and  Viminal  Hills.  These  latter  people 
were  Sabine  in  origin.  The  common  meeting  place  and  market  of  the 
two  groups  was  the  Forum,  their  joint  citadel  the  CapitoHne. 

Roma  Quadrata  was,  therefore,  quite  early  in  the  monarchy,  if  we 
follow  traditional  dating,  superseded  and  outlived.  That  is  borne  out 
among  other  things  by  the  fact  that  virtually  all  the  really  significant 
buildings  of  the  monarchial  era  are  situated  outside  of  the  Palatine  in  and 
about  the  market  place,  and  that  the  Sacred  Way  runs  through  it  up  to  the 
Capitoline  and  its  temples.  The  new  Rome  quite  appropriately  has  its 
new  sacred  hmits,  which  then  are  not  moved  again  until  the  age  of  Sulla 
(see  here  Stuart  Jones,  Companion  to  Roman  History,  p.  33,  and 
also  Carter  quoted  there). 

Traditionally  this  extension   of   Rome  and  the  fixing  of  the  new 
pomerium,  the  construction  of  the  new  walls  and  the  organization  of  the 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  99 

whole  city  into  four  regions  is  credited  to  King  Servius.  This  view, 
however,  does  not  seem  plausible.  The  so-called  Servian  Wall  shown 
on  the  map  is  both  in  materials  and  in  method  of  construction  a  product 
of  the  fourth  century.  Also  it  embraces  a  good  deal  more  than  the  first 
four  districts  which  just  like  the  earliest  tribes  are  named  Collina,  Pala- 
tina,  Esquilina  and  Sucusana. 

There  seems  now  little  doubt  that  the  later  monarchy  witnessed  new 
walls,  a  more  adequate  defensive  system  than  the  Capitoline  or  the  older 
city  could  boast.  The  Romans  even  under  their  able  Etruscan  chieftains 
could  otherwise  hardly  have  withstood  their  more  developed  neighbors 
in  southern  Etruria.  It  is  possible  that  the  Etruscan  princes  who  tempo- 
rarily held  Rome  are  themselves  responsible  for  these  additional  defenses. 
Whatever  the  facts,  when  the  Gauls  came  this  new  system  proved  insuffi- 
cient. Rome  fell  before  hordes  from  the  north  who  were  anything  but 
siege  artists.  The  city  had  learned  its  lesson  and  as  a  result  constructed 
that  line  of  fortress  walls  which  we  know  as  Servian.  It  was  a  pretentious 
undertaking,  out  of  keeping  with  an  earlier  age,  and  placed  Rome  in 
security  and  size  far  ahead  of  any  other  community  in  the  neighborhood. 
Its  only  rivals  now  were  the  Greek  cities  of  the  south. 

Trade  and  business  even  in  this  early  city  of  the  fourth  century  seem 
to  have  been  significant.  Rome's  relations  with  Carthage  in  this  era,  her 
maritime  venture  against  the  Etruscans  in  Corsica,  and  other  signs  would 
tend  to  prove  that.  On  the  map  it  is  shown  by  the  way  in  which  the  chief 
streets  converge  either  on  the  market  place  or  toward  the  river  frontage. 
There  we  find  the  granaries  and  the  cattle  mart.  And  further  along  the 
Tiber  even  beyond  the  walls  at  an  early  date  we  find  trade  pre-empting 
space  for  a  vegetable  market. 

Extensive  trade  presupposes  congestion  of  population.  And  Rome 
from  this  time  on  increasingly  became  the  dwelling  place  of  swarms  of 
people.  The  Aventine  for  some  years  had  been  the  special  home  of  the 
plebs,  while  other  masses  congested  the  Subura  and  the  Argiletum  which 
lay  between  it  and  the  Forum.  The  aristocrats  during  most  of  the  Re- 
public occupied  chiefly  the  Palatine  and  the  saddle  of  the  Velia. 

The  appearance  of  republican  Rome  during  the  third  and  second 
centuries  before  our  era  can  in  a  measure  be  gathered  from  a  brief  de- 
scription quoted   from   JoNES,   Companion,  p<    35:    "After  the  Gallic 


100  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

catastrophe  Greek  influence  continued  to  wax  strong,  and  it  was  significant 
that  towards  the  close  of  the  fourth  century  Appius  Claudius,  the  blind 
censor,  who  gave  his  name  to  the  first  of  the  Roman  aqueducts,  was  also 
the  builder  of  the  first  military  highway  which  connected  Rome  with  the 
Greek  cities  of  Campania.     In  architecture  the  fusion  of  the  Tuscan  and 
Greek  styles     .     .     .     was  now  accomplished.'*     Transformations  were 
taking  place  which  were  not  all  for  the  better.     The  popular  quarters 
of  the  old  city  were  broken  up  into  vici,  streets  with   adjoining  lanes 
which  could  be  shut  off  if  need  were  by  gates  and  which  had  their  re- 
ligious and  social  organizations.     The  Decemviral  Code  of  450  B.  C. 
prescribed  an  interval  of  two  and  one-half  feet  between  each  house  and 
its  neighbor.     But  in  the  rapid  expansion  of  Rome  which  followed  the 
catastrophe  of  390  B.  C.  this  became  a  dead  letter.     Space  became  in- 
creasingly valuable,  and  as  Rome  attracted  to  herself  the  world's  capital 
and  became  the  center  of  the  world's  speculation,  a  new  city  grew  up, 
in  which  besides  the  houses  of  the  rich  with  their  courts  and  colonnades, 
rose  the  towering  blocks  of  tenements — insulae — in  which  the  poor  were 
massed    (on  these  see  especially  JoNES,  p.    166).      Often  five  or  six 
stories  in  height  these  buildings  were  separated  by  streets  only  twelve  to 
fifteen  feet  in  width.     Insecurely  built  of  sun  dried  bricks,  and  in  their 
upper  floors  chiefly  of  wood,  they  were  constantly  threatened  with  col- 
lapse and  conflagration,  and  must  have  been  fully  as  insanitary  and  re- 
volting as  the  worst  slums  of  Naples  and  New  York.      In  the  closing 
century  of  the  Republic  the  inhabited  area  overflowed  the  Servian  wall  in 
all  directions;  Rome  ceased  to  be  a  fortified  city.     ...     In  only  two 
respects,  water  supply  and  drainage,  was  any  adequate  provision  made 
for  its  needs.     Instead  of  providing  thoroughfares  for  wheeled  traffic,  it 
was  found  simpler  to  forbid  it  during  the  daytime  with. rare  exceptions." 
See  on  this  matter  the  Julian  city  charter  in  HaRDY,  Six  Roman  Laws. 
Main  Map — Imperial  Rome.     Once  more  this  map  by  color 
distinction  and  a  broken  line  for  the  Servian  Wall  gives  the  official  limits 
for  the  Rome  of  the  Republic.     The  student  must  be  made  to  reahze, 
however,  that  the  real  area  of  settlement  had,  as  just  indicated,  for  some 
time  transcended  this  barrier.      The   portion   marked   in   yellow   conse- 
quently does  not  accurately  give   the   additions   of   the  imperial   period 
except  in  so  far  as  it  shows  what  in  the  late  third  century,  already  an 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  101 

age  of  decline,  was  included  in  the  limits  of  the  great  Wall  of  Aurelian. 
The  boastful  words  of  Augustus  about  the  Rome  which  he  had 
received  constructed  of  brick  and  had  handed  on  as  a- city  of  marble 
have  ever  since  been  symbolical  of  the  progress  of  the  city  in  the  new  age. 
Of  course,  they  are  in  their  literal  sense  not  true,  but  the  teacher  can  on 
the  basis  of  the  map  readily  give  the  student  at  least  an  impression  of  the 
amount  of  change  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  empire  by  pointing  out  a 
representative  selection  of  new  structures.  Augustus  himself  built  or 
rebuilt  eighty-two  temples ;  his  son-in-law  Agrippa  is  responsible  tor  much 
improvement  in  the  Campus  Martius  and  for  an  extensive  construction  of 
aqueducts.  The  Julio-Claudian  family  on  the  whole  was  partial  to 
architectural  splendor,  and  great  houses  of  Rome  probably  found  it  in 
their  interest  to  cater  to  the  new  masters  of  the  world  by  copying  their 

hobby. 

In  the  main,  however,   these  new  buildings  are  pretentious  public 
structures,  isolated  symptoms  of  wholly  altered  conditions  of  life  and 
politics.     The  broader  needs  of  Rome  and  its  teeming  population  are 
thereby  not  solved.     What  these  really  required  was  a  thoroughgoing 
and  wholesale  reconstruction  along  big  lines.     The  problem  of  adminis- 
trative division  and  local  government,  of  sanitation,  housing,  and  suchlike 
called  for  authoritative  and  radical  handling.      While  we  are  in  these 
matters  not  as  well  informed  it  is  to  be  noted  by  the  student  that  the  early 
decades  of  the  Empire  saw  a  good  deal  of  work  done.     The  city  is  re- 
divided  already  by  Augustus  into  fourteen  regions  and  264  subdivisions, 
something  like  our  modem  wards  and  precincts;  there  is  a  new  building 
code,  a  better  and  ampler  water  supply,  a  police  and  lire  department 
and  a  more  effectively   managed   system  of  poor  relief.      The  biggest 
question,  however,  that  of  congestion  and  the  attendant  problem  of  sani- 
tation, was  not  then  attacked  rigorously.      Individual   further  improve- 
ments occur  under   all  the  emperors   after  Augustus,    especially   under 
Claudius.     He  made  another  extension  of  the  pomerium  and  especially 
provided  more  water,  a  benefit  no  one  can  appreciate  who  has  not  lived 
in  Rome  during  the  hot  season. 

The  regime  of  Nero  is  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  city.  He  took 
advantage  of  the  great  conflagration  of  the  year  64  A.  D.  "partly  to 
gratify  his  own  craving  for  pomp  and  magnificence,  partly  also  to  make 


102  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

Rome  worthier  of  her  destiny."     After  raging  for  six  days  the  fire  was 
finally  controlled  by  wholesale  wrecking  and  clearing  away  of  houses 
at  the  foot  of  the  Esquiline.      Even  then,  however,  a  second  outbreak 
occurred  lasting  for  three  days  longer.     At  the  end  according  to  Tacitus 
only  four  of  the  fourteen  regions  of  Augustus  escaped  the  flames.     On 
the  greater  part  of  the  ruined  third  region  and  the  land  between  it  and 
the  Palatine  Nero  proceeded  to  build  his  famous  palace,  the  Golden 
House   (see  HENDERSON,  Life  and  Principate  of  the  Emperor  Nero 
and  Jones,  p.    167).     This  much  of  Nero's  activity  is  strictly  within 
the  paths  of  traditional  imperial  self-gratification  and  glorification.     "But 
at  the  same  time  he  forbade  the  re-erection  of  the  narrow,  winding  lanes 
of  towering  tenement  houses,  which  the  fire  had  swept  away  and  laid  out 
broad  streets  flanked  by  colonnades,  limited  the  height  of  private  houses 
(probably  to  60  feet,  while  the  limit  under  Augustus  had  been  70)  and 
ordered  them  to  be  provided  with  inner  courtyards,  and  in  their  lower 
stories  built  of  Alban   and   Gabine  stone."      The  site  of   the  Golden 
House,  which,  as  far  as  it  had  been  completed  at  all,  was  destroyed  again 
by  the  reaction  under  the  Flavians,  was  turned  over  to  public  use  once 
more.     On  it  were  placed  the  baths  of  Titus  and  the  Colosseum.     The 
Flavian  emperors  also  for  the  last  time  enlarged  the  sacred  boundaries  of 
the  city.     Investigation  seems  to  show  that  the  pomerium  did  not  at  any 
time  include  all  of  the  fourteen  regions  of  Augustus.     Certainly  the  official 
Rome  of  the  Flavian  age  did  not,  therefore,  embrace  all  the  really  settled 
city  area. 

Contemporaries,  perhaps  under  promptings  from  the  court,  viewed 
the  acts  of  the  Flavians  on  behalf  of  the  city  as  a  refounding  of  Rome. 
The  outward  expression  thereof  is  a  marble  plan  of  the  new  city  placed 
by  the  emperors  in  the  Temple  of  the  City  near  the  Forum  of  Peace. 
This  was  in  later  days,  particularly  under  the  Severi,  repeatedly  restored 
and  enlarged.  Fragments  of  it  have  been  found  at  various  times  and 
have  been  put  together.  They  are  one  of  our  chief  sources  of  information 
about  the  city,  and  may  be  seen  even  now  by  the  tourist  in  Rome.  For 
a  partial  illustration  of  this  plan  see  JoNES,  p.  39. 

Despite  the  reconstruction  under  the  Flavians,  the  overcrowding 
and  the  evil  of  hasty  and  reckless  building  became  evident  again  later. 
"The  congestion  in  the  poorer  quarters     .     .     .     was  made  worse  by  the 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  103^ 

emperors  who  expropriated  large  tracts  of  private  property  to  build 
temples  or  places  of  public  resort."  The  student  must  note  here  especially 
the  later  palaces  and  fora  and  study  the  small  inset  for  that  purpose  in 
relation  to  the  larger  map.  "The  gardens  and  palaces  of  the  rich  occu- 
pied most  of  the  higher  and  healthier  ground  (see  the  map) — since  the 
Palatine  was  appropriated  by  the  Emp>erors  (see  JoNES,  Map  6)  the 
aristocracy  had  emigrated  to  the  Caelian  and  Aventine,  or  laid  out  vast 
parks  on  the  eastern  heights,  while  a  zone  of  villas  and  gardens  several 
miles  in  width  encircled  the  city."  These  latter  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  later  emperors,  and  were  used  by  them  for  residences,  baths  and  the 
hke,  thus  restricting  still  more  the  breathing  space  of  the  masses. 

Among  the  emperors  after  Trajan,  who  is  responsible  for  the  new 
Forum  bearing  his  name,  one  of  the  most  imposing  creations  of  its  type, 
the  greatest  builder  is  Hadrian  (see  here  Map  B8  for  his  activity  in 
Athens).  While  the  love  for  building  of  this  restless  soul  was  put  into 
practice  mostly  outside  of  Rome,  the  Roman  Hadrian  still  was  the  builder 
of  the  Pantheon,  the  Temple  of  Venus  and  the  great  mausoleum  which 
is  now  known  as  the  Castle  of  San  Angelo. 

Septimius  Severus  was  made  into  a  great  restorer  of  the  city  by  a 
conflagration  which  in  191  A.  D.  gutted  the  Forum  and  its  immediate  en- 
vironment. He  also  completed  the  complex  of  imperial  residences  on  the 
Palatine,  while  his  son  Caracalla  gave  the  city  a  splendid  public  bath. 
Restoration  forced  by  a  fire  which  wrought  havoc  in  283  A.  D.  was 
again  a  factor  in  the  regime  of  Diocletian.  The  most  pretentious  of 
Rome's  Thermae  it  owes  to  him,  and  what  is  more,  he  constructed  them 
"on  a  site  acquired  by  purchase  and  cleared  by  the  destruction  of  whole 
streets." 

Meanwhile  Rome,  the  great  mistress  of  the  world,  had  fallen  sadly 
from  her  high  estate.  Since  the  GaHic  invasion  Rome  had  boasted  of  a 
power  and  a  security  which  made  fortification  other  than  the  Servian 
Wall  unnecessary.  Now  it  again  becomes  a  fortress  city.  Decius  al- 
ready in  the  middle  of  the  century  had  begun  the  erecting  of  new  walls, 
and  now  Aurelian  in  271  took  over  the  task  which  was  then  carried 
through  in  about  a  decade,  largely  by  the  drafted  labor  of  the  citizen? 
themselves  (see  JoNES,  p.  72).  The  direct  occasion  for  the  new  fortifi- 
cation was  the  growing  weakness  of  Italy  in  the  face  of  the  pressure  by 


104  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

the  barbarians  of  the  north.  Very  recently  the  raids  of  the  Allemanni 
and  Juthungi  into  the  valley  of  the  Po  had  painfully  brought  home  that 
fact.  The  construction  is,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  art  of  defense, 
the  embodiment  of  the  best  antiquity  had  to  offer;  in  all  other  respects, 
however,  it  is  an  obvious  sign  of  decline.  Still  the  protective  wall  does 
not  include  the  fourteen  regions  entire,  and  from  now  on  it  was  less  and 
less  likely  that  it  should.  The  city  was  shrinking,  as  the  empire  had  long 
ago  shrunk,  both  in  political  significance  and  in  economic  power.  Its 
population  was  decreasing.  Soon  the  proud  Roma  was  to  witness  the 
rise  of  a  new  center  of  empire,  a  new  capitol  on  the  Bosporus. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

For  more  specific  information  on  any  portion  of  the  plans  given  in 
this  map,  as  well  as  for  a  more  extended  treatment  of  any  of  the  topics 
cursorily  referred  to  in  the  above  review  see  any  of  the  subjoined  ac- 
counts. General  works:  JoNES,  Companion  to  Roman  History^  es- 
pecially chapter  2 ;  Sandys,  Companion  to  Latin  Studies,  particularly 
pp.  35-47;  Platner,  Topography  and  Monuments  of  Ancient  Rome; 
Baedeker,  Central  Italy  and  Rome;  HuELSEN,  The  Roman  Forum; 
Lanciani,  Ruins  and  Excavations  of  Ancient  Rome;  PoRTER,  What 
Rome  Was  Built  With. 

For  brief  discussions  of  special  topics  connected  with  the  maps  see 
also  in  JoNES,  Companion :  the  gates,  p.  74 ;  bridges,  p.  76 ;  temples,  p. 
84.  The  teacher  can  here  illustrate  easily  the  cosmopolitan  character  of 
Rome's  religion,  at  least  in  the  empire,  by  merely  pointing  out  the  several 
temples  and  their  names.  On  the  markets  see  p.  95 ;  public  baths,  p. 
115;  theatres  and  related  structures,  p.  1 24 ;  sewers  and  the  drainage 
system,  p.  141.  Many  names,  especially  those  of  the  gates  and  the 
streets,  have  for  the  sake  of  clearness  been  left  off  the  map.  For  these 
see  the  atlases  of  SHEPHERD  and  PuTZGER,  or  the  more  extensive 
plans  in  the  books  cited  above. 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  105 

QUESTIONS 

What  is  Roma  Quadrata  and  what  was  its  approximate  area? 
What  several  settlements  went  into  the  making  of  the  earliest  Roman 
city?  When  was  the  Servian  Wall  built?  Give  proofs  from  the  map 
of  the  early  commercial  activity  in  Republican  Rome.  Discuss  housing 
conditions  and  the  problem  of  congestion  of  population  both  in  Republican 
and  in  Imperial  Rome.  Illustrate  the  Julio-Claudian  love  for  building. 
Generally  what  were  the  improvements  in  the  city  of  Rome  undertaken 
in  the  early  empire?  How  do  the  names  of  the  various  temples  in  Rome 
indicate  the  cosmopolitanism  of  Rome's  religion?  Discuss  Rome's  water 
supply.  What  was  the  effect  on  the  city  of  Rome  of  the  several  great 
conflagrations,  especially  that  under  Nero?  What  does  the  Wall  of 
Aurelian  signify  in  the  development  of  Rome  as  a  world  power?  What 
was  the  character  of  the  streets  in  the  city  of  Rome? 


MAP  BI4.    CONQUEST  OF  THE 
MEDITERRANEAN 

General.  This  sheet  contains  seven  maps,  all  on  the  same  scale, 
arranged  in  sequence  and  giving  a  compact  visualization  of  Roman  ex- 
pansion over  the  Mediterranean  down  to  Caesar.  Thus  it  continues  the 
story  told  by  Map  B  1  2  and  introduces  the  further  material  given  in  Map 
B 1 6.  In  Rome's  progress  toward  the  mastery  of  the  Mediterranean 
basin  there  are  three  main  stages :  the  overthrow  of  Carthage,  the  winning 
of  the  East,  and  the  conquest  of  the  Gallic  lands.  Since  of  ♦^hese  the 
first  is  also  the  most  significant,  four  maps  have  been  devoted  to  it.  In 
her  struggle  for  control  of  the  eastern  world  Rome  did  not  meet  a  single 
adversary  like  Carthage  or  Hannibal.  Therefore,  the  story  is  less  spec- 
tacular, less  abundant  in  sheer  human  interest,  and  much  less  clearcut. 
It  lends  itself  consequently  less  to  either  classroom  instruction  or  to  me- 
chanical fixation.  The  essential  steps,  however,  of  this  development  will 
be  found  in  the  remaining  maps.  The  last  also  roughly  indicates  Caesar's 
achievements  in  Gaul.  Detailed  comment  on  these  has  been  reserved  for 
Map  Bl  5.  In  general  the  dates  chosen  for  the  maps  are  the  conventional 
ones. 

An  adequate  commentary  on  these  seven  maps  is  impossible  in  the 
scope  of  this  manual.  It  would  necessitate  giving  an  outline  history  of 
Rome's  external  relations  with  certain  references  to  her  domestic  de- 
velopment from  about  265  to  44  B.  C.  A  few  suggestions  alone  can  be 
set  down  here. 

Rome's  extra-Italian  expansion  exhibits  three  main  driving  forces  at 
work:  self-defense,  conquest  for  conquest's  sake,  and  material  gain.  At 
no  time  was  any  of  them  present  in  isolation,  nor  were  they  by  any  chance 
the  only  factors  governing  her  policy.  However,  it  may  be  legitimately 
urged  that  down  until  the  incorporation  of  Spain  Rome  acted  chiefly  in 
the  interest  of  her  own  security,  though  perhaps  Carthage  might  have  well 
argued  the  same  point.  After  1  50  B.  C,  while  the  same  argument  is 
still  used,  it  is  quite  clear  that  downright  imperialism  and  capitalistic  fK)li- 

106 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  107 

tics  are  the  driving  motives.  The  Roman  people  as  a  w^hole  unquestion- 
ably were  not  aware  of  these  several  incentives  very  clearly.  Indeed,  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  at  all  times  even  its  leaders  were,  but  this  does 
not  prove  that  the  Roman  state  blundered  or  staggered  blindly  from 
conquest  to  conquest.  The  whole  situation  is  summarized  as  follows  by 
Sandys:  "The  Roman  never  at  any  time  in  his  thousand  years  of  po- 
litical life  cared  for  other  peoples'  liberty  in  itself,  however  resolutely  he 
cherished  his  own.  If  he  thought  such  liberty  coincided  with  his  own 
advantage,  he  would  acquiesce  in  it,  or  even  take  steps  to  secure  it.  There 
was  no  humanitarian  sentiment  wasted  at  Rome."  This  is  a  concise  sum- 
mary of  the  policy  of  enlightened  self-interest,  and  leads  the  student 
deeply  into  historical  processes.  Of  the  later  age  of  conquest  the  same 
scholar  says:  "By  the  middle  of  the  second  century  this  policy  (non- 
expansion  between  197  and  150  B.  C.)  had  definitely  shown  itself  in- 
adequate to  guard  Rome  against  perpetual  alarms.  The  failure  of  the 
earlier  diplomacy  partly  coincided  in  time  with,  partly  was  the  result  of, 
an  increase  of  wealth  which  demanded  ever  new  spheres  of  activity,  new 
opportunities  of  increase.  The  Roman  middle  class  merchant  and  the 
financial  joint  stock  company  in  which  most  citizens  had  some  interest 
made  their  appearance  in  politics.  New  wars  gave  thorn  the  chance. 
New  needs  at  home,  political  and  social,  seemed  to  justify  their  demands. 
Roman  provincial  policy  turned  abruptly  upside  down.  Non-annexation 
became  the  unpopular  creed  of  a  few.  All  classes,  impelled,  some  by 
love  of  conquest,  some  by  lust  for  gain,  made  haste  to  appropriate,  to 
annex,  to  exploit,  with  all  the  ignorance  and  brutality  of  greed."  On  this 
whole  matter  see  Greenidge,  History  of  Rome^  Chapter  I,  also  Frank, 
Roman  Imperialism,  and  Kromayer,  Roms  Kampf  urn  die  Weltherr- 
schaft. 

As  Rome  subdues  her  enemies  she  acquires  new  lands.  Most  of 
these  she  ultimately  retains  and  makt^  into  provinces,  others  for  a  longer 
or  shorter  period  are  formed  into  vassal  states.  In  more  than  one  sense 
it  is  true  that  the  provinces  especially  were  regarded  by  the  Roman  people 
as  their  "farms,"  to  be  exploited  at  will.  At  least  Rome  derived  from 
its  property  an  mcome  by  taxation.  A  definition  of  province  in  the 
Roman  sense  is  the  following  brief  one  by  Sandys:  "A  territory  outside 
of  Italy  owned  by  the  Roman  people,  governed  directly  by  a  Roman 


108  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

magistrate,  with  defined  geographical  limits,  subjected  to  Roman  taxa- 
tion." See  further  the  comment  under  Map  B16  and  the  bibliography 
quoted  there.  A  Hst  of  these  territories  as  far  as  this  sequence  deals  with 
them  can  be  found  in  Sandys,  Companion,  p.  40 1 . 

In  our  maps  it  has  seemed  inadvisable  to  show  complete  and  accu- 
rate boundary  lines  of  the  several  provinces,  the  names  alone  being  inserted 
in  many  cases.  The  outlines  varied  and  are  so  little  known  for  the 
different  ages  that  accuracy  is  not  attainable.  The  teacher  can,  if  he 
wishes,  make  this  clear  to  the  student  by  referring  for  instance  to  the 
region  of  Syria,  lUyria  or  Numidia.  It  is  especially  the  question  of  the 
extent  inland  of  the  several  provinces,  except  where  they  border  on  well 
defined  states  or  older  provinces,  that  is  responsible  for  our  dilemma. 
On  the  vassal  states  see  Sands,  Client  Princes. 

Maps  1-4.  Rome  and  Carthage:  The  map  shows  the  ter- 
ritory directly  and  indirectly  controlled  by  Carthage.  The  student  is 
enabled  to  assess  on  the  basis  of  this  presentation  the  significance  of 
Carthage  in  the  era  before  the  wars  with  Rome  and  during  the  same. 
Her  economic  resources,  her  supply  of  fighting  men,  her  maritime  signifi- 
cance, and  her  strategic  advantages  over  against  Rome,  all  can  be  readily 
shown.  Also  the  teacher  can  make  clear  the  essential  weakness  in  her 
position.  The  danger  to  the  Roman  state  which  had  barely  acquired  hold 
on  Italy  and  had  not  yet  perfected  her  internal  organization  is  apparent. 
Rome  was  vulnerable  in  the  south.  A  powerful  rival  in  Sicily  was  a 
perpetual  menace.  Also  the  economic  interests,  at  least  of  her  new 
southern  allies,  were  not  safe  with  Carthage  master  of  the  western  Medi- 
terranean. Lastly  Rome  inherited  the  task  of  protecting  the  Greek  inter- 
ests of  southern  Italy  and  Sicily.  On  the  material  interests  in  Rome's 
Imperialism  see,  however,  Frank,  Roman  Imperialism. 

In  the  Hannibalic  war  conditions  had  changed  somewhat,  but  the 
essentials  were  the  same.  To  be  sure,  the  advantage  of  the  Sicilian  and 
island  power  of  Carthage,  as  well  as  her  naval  supremacy,  had  meanwhile 
been  curtailed.  But  still  she  had  her  allies  in  Sicily,  and  her  fleet  even 
now  was  not  a  negligible  factor.  Above  all,  however,  she  had  acquired 
in  Spain  an  auxiliary  empire  and  a  new  and  dangerous  point  of  vantage 
with  regard  to  Rome.  Her  Spanish  position  and  resources  permitted  an 
attack  on  Rome's  other  weak  front,  the  north.     That  the  latter  was  fully 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  109 

aware  of  this  is  certain.  Her  negotiations  about  the  Ebro  Hne,  her  war 
against  the  Celtic  north  of  Italy,  her  relations  with  Marseilles,  and  her 
endeavor  to  strike  Ha.mibal  on  his  own  ground  amply  prove  this. 

The  map  also  shov.^s  that  the  Hannibalic  war  Was  really  the  pivotal 
conflict  in  Rome's  career  toward  Mediterranean  dominion.  Once 
Carthage  were  overcome  Roman  control  in  the  west  would  be  assured, 
her  rear  free  from  danger,  her  vulnerable  fronts  secure.  Above  all,  with 
the  aid  of  Map  B 1  I  the  teacher  can  show  what  a  conflict  like  this  meant 
to  Rome  in  her  relation  to  her  allies,  and  thereby  to  her  position  in  Italy. 
On  this  matter  see  Kromayer,  Roms  Kampf  um  die  Weliherrschaft; 
Frank;  Heitland,  Roman  Republic,  V.  1. 

Maps  5-7.  The  student  must  in  the  discussion  of  the  Hannibalic 
war  have  been  made  to  realize  how  this  war  foreshadowed  future  hostile 
relations  with  the  powers  of  the  east.  Macedonia's  interference  in  the 
conflict  is  merely  the  first  phase  of  a  struggle  for  the  domination  of  the 
eastern  world.  It  was  delayed,  and  diplomatic  measures  were  at  first 
substituted  for  military  ones,  but  the  real  outcome  could  never  be  in  doubt. 

In  the  wars  with  the  East  there  are  on  the  whole  only  a  few  factors 
of  large  significance  from  the  point  of  view  of  Rome's  imperialism.  Ma- 
terial interests  are  in  this  whole  era  in  the  foreground.  The  wealth  of 
the  older  world,  and  in  a  lesser  degree  its  higher  culture  with  all  the 
advantages  it  would  bring  to  the  power  controlling  these  areas,  acted  as 
a  lure  to  the  new  master  of  the  West.  Perhaps  Rome  only  dimly  realized 
this  from  step  to  step,  but  consciously  or  unconsciously  she  went  steadily 
on. 

Only  in  a  modified  sense  can  one  in  this  later  era  of  republican  con- 
quest speak  of  a  danger  to  Rome  from  the  East.  If  the  states  formed 
out  of  the  debris  of  the  Alexandrine  Empire  had  been  able  to  agree  with 
one  another,  if  they  had  not  at  all  times  presented  to  Roman  diplomacy 
a  fertile  ground  for  the  seed  of  discord,  things  might  have  been  different. 
Certain  powerful  leaders  endeavored  to  overcome  this  disadvantage; 
Philipp  and  Perseus  in  a  lesser  sense,  Antiochus  and  especially  Mithra- 
dates  in  a  more  real  way  presented  to  Rome  the  possible  danger  of  great 
coalitions  from  the  east,  possibly  even  in  league  with  elements  of  dis- 
content at  home  and  among  her  western  neighbors.  But  all  these  en- 
deavors came  to  naught.      The  ingrained  separatism  and  the  timeworn 


110  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

rivalries  of  the  eastern  peoples  nullified  such  attempts  almost  before  they 
were  really  matured.  ^ 

The  other  great  problem  in  the  period  of  eastern  expansion  is  not 
one  of  hostile  forces  without,  it  is  the  reaction  of  these  newly  acquired 
areas  on  Roman  inner  life  and  organization.  Rome  as  a  world  center, 
Italy  living  more  and  more  off  the  proceeds  of  the  labor  and  achievement 
of  subject  peoples,  that  is  the  change  that  has  been  wrought.  Its  detailed 
implications  cannot  be  well  shown  from  the  maps  here  given.  A  good 
summary  of  the  whole  matter  can  be  found  in  the  first  chapter  of  the 
History)  of  Rome  by  Greenidge. 

One  phase  of  the  change,  however,  can  be  adequately  presented  on 
the  basis  of  the  map.  The  resources  of  Rome  now  that  it  controlled  the 
eastern  industrial,  commercial  and  agricultural  wealth  are  enormous.  A 
mere  reference  to  the  territories  of  Macedonia,  Greece,  Asia  Minor  and 
Egypt  as  they  one  by  one  fell  into  her  hands  will  make  this  clear.  But 
these  areas  had  to  be  governed  and  protected  by  a  state  whose  whole 
governmental  system  was  essentially  unfitted  for  the  task.  The  forms 
of  the  city  state,  even  as  they  had  been  modified  by  the  Italian  conquests 
and  the  earlier  provincial  acquisitions,  could  not  be  made  sufficiently 
elastic  to  answer  the  needs  of  a  world  empire.  In  the  east  Rome's  gov- 
ernors were  more  than  elsewhere  kings  in  fact.  Large  areas  there  had 
known  no  other  mode  of  political  control  in  their  whole  existence.  Also 
the  problems  of  defending  her  eastern  holdings  made  necessary  centraliza- 
tion of  power  and  augmentation  of  command  to  a  dangerous  degree. 
Sulla,  Pompey,  and  similarly  at  the  very  end  of  the  Repubhc  Caesar  in 
the  west,  are  the  product  of  these  natural  tendencies  and  needs.  From 
out  of  the  provinces  come  the  great  provincial  proconsuls  and  leaders  to 
shatter  the  republican  system  which  had  not  been  able  to  evolve  a  defense 
against  this  menacing  concentration  of  power  in  the  hands  of  one  man. 
In  a  real  sense  the  provinces,  especially  those  of  the  east,  made  the  Empire 
and  unmade  the  Republic. 

In  the  map  showing  Rome's  power  in  133  B.  C.  have  been  inserted 
the  cities  which  in  about  218  B.  C.  had  a  population  in  excess  of 
100,000.  A  scrutiny  of  these  towns  will  show  that  the  congestion  of 
population  is  then  still  in  the  east,  though  the  wars  after  Alexander  have 
sadly  affected  the  once  flourishing  centers  there.     On  the  whole  question 


TEACHERS  MANUAL 


111 


of  population  statistics  as  it  bears  on  the  history  of  the  Republic,  espe- 
cially also  during  the  HannibaHc  war,  see  Sandys,  Companion,  p.  355; 
Kromayer  (cited  above)  ;  NiSSEN,  Italische  Landeskunde,  V.  2,  p. 
99;  Hume,  Essa^  on  the  Populousness  of  Ancient  Cities. 

QUESTIONS 

What  territories  are  in  the  control  of  Carthage  in  264  B.  C.  ?  Why 
is  Carthage  at  this  time  a  danger  to  Rome?  What  is  the  significance  of 
the  Carthaginian  dominion  in  Spain?  What  was  Hannibal's  plan  of 
campaign?  Show  from  the  map  to  what  extent  it  was  successful.  What 
is  the  importance  of  the  alliance  of  Rome  with  Marseilles — of  the  alliance 
of  Hannibal  with  Celtic  peoples?  When  and  how  did  Rome  acquire 
Sardinia,  Macedonia,  Asia,  Bithynia,  Egypt,  Cisalpine  Gaul?  What 
rendered  Rome's  conquest  of  the  East  easy?  Enumerate  the  Roman 
provinces  at  the  time  of  Caesar,  Name  the  chief  vassal  states  of  Rome 
in  the  Republic.  What  areas  were  added  to  the  Roman  state  by  Pom- 
pey?  Show  from  the  map  how  the  power  in  the  hands  of  Pompey 
reacted  on  the  Roman  State.  Show  the  same  for  Caesar's  power  in  the 
Gauls. 


\ 


r*'ik^ 


MAP  B 15.     CAESAR'S  GAUL 

Main  Map.  This  map  offers  on  an  unusually  large  scale  a  repre- 
sentation not  only  of  the  Gaul  of  Caesar,  but  shows  all  of  Italy  as  far  as 
Rome  and  the  northeastern  approaches  to  the  peninsula  with  a  large  part 
of  the  Germanic  hinterland.  It  enables  the  teacher  satisfactorily  to  deal 
with  the  Gallic  war  and  with  all  those  highly  significant  movements  in 
Roman  history  associated  with  this  area.  The  map  embodies  also  fea- 
tures— the  provincial  organization  for  instance — which  especially  in  con- 
junction with  the  later  imperial  map  of  Gaul  in  B16  make  it  possible 
to  cover  much  of  the  subsequent  history  of  this  western  frontier  of  the 
empire.  Rather  more  than  most  maps  in  the  series  it  is  also  designed  as 
a  reference  map,  pre-eminently  as  an  aid  in  the  teaching  of  the  Gallic 
War  of  Caesar. 

A  few  brief  points  on  the  geography  of  Gaul  as  far  as  they  have 
a  more  direct  bearing  on  the  campaigns  of  Caesar  and  the  history  of  the 
region  may  not  be  amiss.     Gaul  has  two  water  fronts,  the  Adantic  ocean 
and  the  Mediterranean  sea.     However,  in  this  case  that  does  not  mean 
a  wealth  of  harbors.     In  the  south  the  rocky  and  abrupt  coast  east  of  the 
Rhone  and  the  marshy  and  lagoon-studded  shores  west  of  that  river  leave 
as  practically  the  only  harbor  the  river  delta  itself.      It  was  here  that 
Marseilles  flourished  from  the  earliest  age  of  Greek  colonization    (see 
Map  B6).     While  naturally  in  antiquity  the  demands  made  upon  a 
harbor  were  much  more  moderate  than  at  present,  nevertheless  even  the 
Atlantic  coast  was  poor  in  roadsteads.    The  vast  dune  region  there,  outside 
of  the  rough  coast  of  the  Bretagne,  leaves  for  harbor  purposes  only  the 
river  mouths.     Of  these  the  most  prominent  are  that  of  the  Garonne  with 
Bordeaux  and  the  Seine  inlet. 

Because  Gaul  is  poor  in  good  coastal  harbors  intercommunication 
by  interior  lines  was  naturally  more  important,  and  in  this  respect  Gaul 
has  great  advantages.  Her  river  systems  and  watersheds  are  so  distributed 
and  arranged  that  they  afford  plentiful  and  easy  communication  either 
by  water  or  along  roads  closely  associated  with  the  rivers.     Among  the 

112 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  113 

navigable  streams  of  Roman  days  are  the  Garonne  and  the  Loire,  though 
both  of  these  gave  some  trouble  because  of  freshets  and  floods.  The  dis- 
tance between  the  Loire  and  the  Seine  at  the  closest  point  is  very  small  and 
the  connecting  route  was  known  at  the  time  of  Caesar.  It  gave  rise  to  the 
important  settlement  of  Cenabum,  the  later  Orleans.  The  Rhone  was 
used  a  great  deal  for  shipping,  as  were  also  its  larger  tributaries,  espe- 
cially the  Saone  and  the  Doubs.  The  Rhine  also  was  navigated,  and 
among  the  lesser  rivers  the  Durance. 

On  the  whole  the  following  important  systems  of  communication 
dependent  on  the  rivers  can  be  picked  out:  a  route  from  the  Garonne 
over  a  portage  to  the  Aude,  responsible  for  the  city  of  Toulouse ;  another 
up  the  Rhone  and  Saone,  thence  by  portage  to  the  Loire,  or  similarly 
from  the  Saone  to  the  Seine.  Lastly  there  is  the  route  from  the  Rhone 
via  the  Saone  and  the  Doubs  by  portage  to  the  Rhine.  It  may  be  noted 
that  the  naturally  most  advantageous  spot,  where  all  these  latter  systems 
would  meet  is  the  confluence  of  the  Rhone  and  the  Saone.  It  is  the  loca- 
tion selected  by  the  Romans  for  the  political,  military  and  religious 
capital  of  the  newly  acquired  regions  of  Gaul,  the  site  of  Lyons. 

The  mountains  of  Gaul  form  no  hindrance  to  traffic,  not  even  the 
highest  among  them,  which  are  all  on  the  frontier.  Both  the  Alps  and 
the  Pyrenees  possess  good  passes,  and  the  Romans  made  frequent  use  of 
these.  The  latter  range  is  cut  by  at  least  three  roads  in  use  at  the  time  of 
Caesar  and  for  a  long  time  before. 

The  climate  of  the  country  may  be  regarded  as  in  every  way  favor- 
able. Below  the  Cevennes  it  is  that  of  Italy,  and  the  flora  of  the  region 
is,  therefore,  very  much  the  same.  In  a  sense  this  section,  the  Provence, 
is  merely  an  extension  of  Italy.  Beyond  this  area  to  the  north  and  west, 
covering  in  an  irregular  fashion  the  whole  heart  of  France,  lies  the  great 
central  plateau.  Here  the  climate  is  materially  harsher,  but  still  very 
favorable,  especially  to  cereal  crops.  The  coastal  plains  and  the  Paris 
basin  are  again  more  moderate,  due  to  the  influence  of  the  ocean.  Be- 
cause of  this  very  fortunate  climatic  situation,  to  which  may  be  added  the 
fact  that  the  Celts  from  a  very  early  day  seem  to  have  known  and  used 
fertilizers,  Gaul  was  always  exceedingly  rich  in  products  of  the  soil. 

Among  the  natural  resources  of  the  country  known  and  exploited 
to  an  appreciable  extent  at  the  time  of  Caesar  or  in  the  early  empire  were 


114  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

the  following.  Wheat  was  by  far  the  most  Important  cereal  crop  and  was 
abundant.  Its  only  competitor  among  the  products  of  the  soil  was  wine. 
The  latter  seems  to  have  been  produced  with  considerable  success  over 
most  of  the  country,  though  even  then  the  now  famous  wine  districts  seem 
to  have  been  in  the  lead.  Wine  production  was  so  successful  that  the 
Roman  state  variously  tried  to  protect  its  own  growers  by  legislation. 
Next  to  fopd  products  in  importance  ranked  the  mineral  resources,  above 
all  the  copper,  though  also  silver  and  gold  and  iron  were  found  and  mined 
extensively.  Among  other  mineral  substances  may  be  mentioned  marble, 
especially  in  Aquitania,  potter's  earth  and  salt.  The  latter  was  also 
refined  from  springs  and  the  Atlantic  waters.  Many  sheep  were  raised 
and  wool  formed  one  of  the  staples  of  the  country.  The  woodland  areas 
were  very  extensive  and  seem  to  have  been  regularly  exploited. 

Among  the  manufactured  products  of  Gaul,  pointing  to  a  live  indus- 
trial development  even  at  the  time  of  Caesar,  were  the  following:  Linen 
cloth  especially  from  the  north,  ham,  glassware,  pottery  and  earthenware 
especially  from  around  the  modern  center  Limoges,  the  products  of  the 
metalcrafts  especially  silverware,  woolens,  cheese,  and  preserved  fish  and 
meats. 

This  catalogue  of  resources  will  give  the  student  an  idea  of  the  po- 
tential significance  of  Gaul  to  Italy  and  Rome.  Its  very  wealth  in  men 
^  and  materials  was  the  soundest  reason  why  it  should  become  the  object 
of  Romfe's  imperial  expansion.  The  strategic  value  of  the  region  easily 
seen  from  the  map  was  another  factor,  perhaps  outwardly  the  most 
striking.  The  map  facilitates  a  study  of  the  avenues  of  intercommunica- 
tion and  makes  clear  that  in  the  long  run  Rome  could  hardly  risk  leaving 
this  port  of  entry  into  Italy  in  strange  hands.  Her  uninterrupted  inter- 
course with  Spain  and  thus  her  hold  on  that  peninsula  depended  in  a  large 
measure  on  a  firm  control  at  least  over  the  southern  portion  of  the  Gallic 
area.  Rome's  close  alliance  with  Marseilles,  the  wars  she  fought  on  her 
behalf  against  the  Celts,  the  military  outposts  she  founded,  and  finally 
the  setting  up  of  the  transalpine  province  as  a  sort  of  an  irregular  pro- 
tective crescent  about  Marseilles  are  easily  understood  on  this  basis. 

This  defensive  establishment  seemed  a  satisfactory  solution  of 
Rome's  problem,  but  not  for  very  long.  The  Cimbrian  avalanche  proved 
the  essential  weakness  of  her  position.     Other  invasions  might  come,  when 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  115 

the  Provincia  could  not  be  held  against  the  pressure  of  tribes  and  peoples 
exerted  on  southern  Gaul  from  the  north  and  northeast.  Its  backcountry 
with  the  teeming  populations  of  restless  Celts,  themselves  under  stress  of 
the  Teutonic  element  in  their  rear,  must  needs  also  be  brought  under 
Roman  sway.  The  teacher  of  Caesar's  Commentaries  will  be  able  to  show 
how  the  Aeduan  alliance  for  a  time  acted  as  a  substitute  for  actual  domi- 
nation, but  in  the  introduction  of  his  subject  will  have  to  point  out  how 
both  the  revolts  of  the  Allobrogi  and  the  coming  of  the  Suevi  called  for 
a  more  radical  handling  of  the  situation.  They  demonstrated  that  there 
could  be  no  real  security  for  the  Provence,  and  hence  for  Italy  and  Rome, 
as  long  as  the  rear  door  to  Gaul  remained  open.  Gaul  would  either  have 
to  become  German   or   Roman.      Caesar  saw  this  clearly   and   made   it 

Roman. 

From  Caesar's  day  onward  the  Empire  of  Rome  in  the  west  had  two 
military  frontiers.  The  Alps  had  given  way  to  a  series  of  fortress  and 
garrison  colonies  in  the  Provincia  and  to  a  new  line  of  defense,  the  Rhine. 
The  real  frontier,  especially  in  the  strategic  sense,  is  the  latter.  The  road 
and  colony  system  in  the  south  has  become  the  second  line  of  defense. 

With  the  acquisition  of  Gaul  the  empire  is  better  balanced  in  the 
territorial  sense  (see  BI6).  Also  from  the  point  of  view  of  population 
it  is  given  greater  equilibrium  and  greater  vigor.  The  inevitable  tendency 
of  the  Roman  world  culturally  and  politically  to  gravitate  eastward  is 
counteracted  for  generations  to  come  by  the  opportunities  of  Gaul,  the 
role  it  assumed  as  a  makeweight  of  Roman  civilization  to  the  attractive 
forces  of  the  east.  If  Asia  Minor  and  Syria  were  to  ambitious  minds 
thresholds  of  imperialist  dreams  involving  the  Tigris-Euphrates  valley, 
Gaul  was  to  such  men  equally  the  gateway  to  conquest  and  glory  in  the 
vast  areas  of  Germanic  setdement  (see  JuLLIAN,  Histoire  de  la  Caule). 
What  the  conquest  of  Gaul  meant  to  Caesar  personally  in  his  con- 
flict with  the  Senatorial  party  the  teacher  can  readily  illustrate  from  the 
map.  The  factors  of  this  problem  have  become  commonplaces  in  the 
teaching  of  the  Commentaries  and  in  the  history  of  the  period.  The  re- 
lation of  these  advantages  gained  by  Caesar  to  the  fashioning  of  an  em- 
pire in  the  constitutional  sense  are  also  quite  plain. 

Any  possible  dreams  of  acquisition  of  land  beyond  the  Rhine  weie 
never  carried  into  practice.      Certainly  Augustus  and  Tiberius  at  least 


116  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

meant  to  do  no  more  than  secure  this  Rhine  frontier  by  demonstrative  and 
punitive  expeditions  into  the  region  beyond  as  far  as  the  Elbe.  What 
might  have  occurred  later,  had  not  conditions  in  the  following  centuries 
placed  Rome  in  these  parts  more  and  more  on  the  defensive  against  the 
increasing  Germanic  pressure,  is  needless  speculation.  One  great  result 
of  the  holding  of  Gaul  against  this  pressure  is  the  Romanization  of  the 
Celt  and  of  some  Germanic  tribes,  both  as  far  as  they  were  contained  in 
the  area  originally  obtained  or  were  later  brought  in.  Out  of  this  mix- 
ture of  peoples  grafted  on  Roman  elements  grew  the'prominent  civilization 
of  later  Gaul.  And  even  after  the  collapse  in  the  fifth  century  a  leaven 
remained  which  was  an  important  factor  in  the  further  development  of 
Francia  and  medieval  Europe  in  language,  law  and  institutions. 

The  teacher  will  note  that  a  good  deal  of  attention  has  been  given 
in  the  map  to  the  tribes  settled  in  Gaul  at  the  time  of  Caesar.  This  was 
done  chiefly  with  a  view  to  the  needs  of  teaching  the  Gallic  Wars  of 
Caesar.  The  detailed  questions  arising  in  this  connection  cannot  be  dis- 
cussed in  the  manual  and  will  be  found  adequately  dealt  with  in  the 
treatises  on  this  subject  in  general  cited  below.  In  its  large  outlines  the 
ethnic  situation  in  Gaul  at  the  time  of  Caesar  presents  the  picture  of  a 
Celtic  population  in  many  tribal  organizations  flanked  in  the  southeast  by 
a  small  remnant  of  Ligurian  stock,  in  the  southwest  by  Iberian  elements, 
and  encroached  upon  in  the  north  and  northwest  by  Germanic  peoples.  A 
convenient  summary  of  the  situation  in  detail  both  for  teacher  and  student 
is  best  obtained  in  either  the  De  Bello  CalUco  or  Caesar's  Conquest  of 
Caul  by  Rice  Holmes. 

The  map  for  the  convenience  again  of  students  of  Caesar  gives  promi- 
nently the  campaigning  routes  of  Caesar.  They  do  not  pretend  to  be 
accurate  since  Caesar's  own  vague  and  inadequate  information  and  the 
disappearance  of  a  number  of  the  landmarks  makes  exactness  in  this 
matter  impossible.  The  system  of  routes  here  shown  is  based  on  the  best 
available  materials  and  follows  in  the  main  Kiepert,  Goeler  and  Holmes. 
The  significance  of  the  several  expeditions  in  the  subduing  of  Gaul  can  be 
shown  satisfactorily  from  these  indications.  Further  information  in  detail 
is  obtainable  in  the  works  by  Holmes  cited  above. 

Another  much  agitated  problem  also,  the  bridging  of  the  Rhine, 
cannot  be  specifically  settled,  owing  to  the  vague  character  of  our  infor- 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  ,  117 

mation.  While  the  whole  question  is  of  no  great  moment  it  has  been 
much  emphasized,  and  if  the  teacher  should  wish  more  extended  materials 
on  it,  they  can  be  found  in  the  same  titles  (see  Conquest,  pp.  75,  79, 
694-709).  Most  of  the  common  text  editions  also  devote  space  to 
these  last  two  subjects.  See  for  instance  Bennet,  Hodges,  Kelsey, 
Westcott,  Jenks  and  Fowler,  Harper  and  Tolman,  Harkness  and  Forbes 
by  index.* 

The  map  contains  in  addition  to  the  matter  illustrating  the  conditions 
at  the  time  of  Caesar  a  number  of  matters  pertaining  to  other  historical 
periods.  It  shows  the  internal  organization  of  the  Gallic  provincial  area 
under  Augustus  and  at  least  the  main  portions  of  the  road  system  for  the 
third  century  of  our  era.  While  the  map  is  thus  not  wholly  homogeneous 
and  a  bit  crowded  it  seemed  advisable  to  the  editors  to  risk  these  draw- 
backs. Nowhere  else  is  an  opportunity  given  the  student  to  visualize  the 
methods  of  Roman  provincial  organization  or  the  ramifications  of  an  im- 
perial network  of  roads.  This  map  seemed  altogether  the  best  place  for 
such  materials  because  of  its  scale  and  the  fact  that  the  information  avail- 
able to  us  on  these  topics  happens  to  be  fuller  and  more  trustworthy  here 
than  perhaps  for  any  other  section  of  the  empire.  In  a  sense,  therefore, 
it  offers  for  the  provinces  a  parallel  to  the  material  shown  for  Italy  proper 


*  Rather  in  departure  from  the  general  scope  of  the  series,  plans  of 
Roman  camps  have  been  added  to  this  map  of  Gaul  with  a  view  to  en- 
hancing its  usefulness.  The  ordinary  marching  or  temporary  camp  is 
sketched  after  the  specifications  in  Polybius  while  the  permanent  variety 
is  shown  on  the  basis  of  a  reconstruction  of  the  Roman  garrison  at  No- 
vaesium  (Neuss)  as  it  was  under  the  Emperor  Claudius.  Both  plans  are 
simplified  from  the  series  by  Cybulski,  where  this  plate.  No.  VIII,  is 
edited  by  Anthes.  Further  detail  may  be  found  there,  also  in  the 
above  text  editions  and  in  JONES,  Companion,  pp.  226-243,  or  Sandys, 
pp.  477  ff.  Very  valuable  classroom  material  can  further  be  gleaned 
from  GURLITT,  Anschauungstafeln,  KampeN,  Tabulae,  Oehler, 
Bilderailas  zu  Caesar  and  ScHREIBER,  Atlas  of  Classical  Antiquities. 
On  Caesar  in  Gaul  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  general  history  of  the 
RepubHc  see  Heitland,  V.  3,  Chs.  54-55 ;  SiHLER,  Annals  of  Caesar, 
Chs.  8-16. 


118  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

in  Map  B 1  1 .     The  present  map  should,  however,  be  used  in  conjunction 
with  the  representation  of  Gaul  in  B 1  6. 

Neither  the  conquest  nor  the  organization  of  Gaul  was  completed 
by  Caesar.  The  Civil  War  and  attendant  developments  prevented  his 
dealing  fully  with  these  problems.  While  both  the  Republicans  and  the 
Triumvirs  made  certain  arrangements,  these  were  temporary  and  the 
actual  settlement  was  not  effected  until  after  the  estabhshment  of  Augustus 
in  power.  Beginning  in  the  year  27  B.  C.  he  then  undertook  those  ad- 
justments which  in  their  main  outlines  remained  unchanged  during  the 
whole  early  empire.  Gaul  was  always  given  peculiar  attention  by  him,  a 
fact  which  alone  would  indicate  that  he  fully  appreciated  the  importance 
of  the  region. 

The  severance  of  the  Provincia  as  it  had  already  been  outlined  by 
Caesar  was  retained.  This  section  had  been  so  long  under  Roman  sway 
that  it  was  evidently  regarded  as  sufficiently  accustomed  to  its  new  status 
to  be  considered  safe.  For  this  reason  in  the  division  between  the  civil 
and  military,  public  and  imperial,  provinces  it  came  to  be  numbered 
among  the  former.  The  rest  of  the  Gallic  area  with  the  exception  of  the 
Germanic  frontier  was  divided  by  him  into  three  provinces — Aquitania, 
Belgica  and  Lugdunensis.  The  Rhine  frontier  was  rather  irregularly 
established  into  two  military  districts  which  until  Domitian  remained  in 
a  more  or  less  direct  way  dependent  on  the  three  Gauls. 

On  the  whole  the  treatment  of  the  whole  northwestern  frontier  by 
Augustus  shows  a  curious  mixture  of  policies  and  institutional  paradoxes. 
The  principles  of  centralization  and  of  division  seem  to  be  working  at 
cross  purposes.  This  confusion,  however,  as  far  as  it  was  not  temporary 
and  due  to  a  reaching  out  after  permanent  and  adequate  forms,  is  only 
on  the  surface.  A  map  cannot  fully  illustrate  the  situation,  but  by  using 
the  material  given  in  the  map  of  Gaul  and  in  B 1  6  the  student  can  be  made 
to  grasp  the  essentials. 

In  the  first  place  the  three  provinces  lying  north  of  the  Narbo- 
nensis  were  by  Augustus  placed  under  the  control  of  one  governor  who 
resided  at  Lyons.  In  addition  this  official  usually  held  sway  also  over 
the  two  Germanic  frontier  districts.  Thus  the  student  is  afforded  a 
sample  of  centralization  of  important  areas  for  military  purposes.  The 
highly  significant  region  defending  Rome  in  the  northwest  with  its  tribu- 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  119 

tary  regions  are  thus  justly  grouped  with  a  view  to  efficiency.  Any 
possible  danger  to  Rome  and  Augustus  from  such  accumulation  of  power 
is  neutralized  by  the  type  of  men  used  for  the  command.  The  teacher 
may  here  compare  the  similar  concentration  in  the  hands  of  Caesar  or 
Sulla.  An  additional  factor  in  this  arrangement,  the  conquest  of  the 
Alpine  regions,  their  organization  into  three  small  districts  and  their  at 
least  partial  dependence  upon  this  same  governor,  will  thus  also  be  in- 
telligible. The  need  of  a  close  control  over  this  connecting  area  is  quite 
obvious. 

How  the  principle  of  division  in  the  internal  organization  was  ap- 
plied will  be  shown  directly.  It  was  in  another  sense  employed  in  the 
making  up  of  the  three  provinces.  Old  ethnic  affiliations  were  somewhat 
broken  and  severed  in  that  both  the  southern  and  the  northern  provinces 
were  given  a  mixed  population,  Celtic-Iberian  and  Celtic-Belgian,  pro- 
vincial lines  running  across  the  ethnic  lines. 

In  the  administration  of  the  finances  of  this  new  territory  we  find 
the  following  situation:  The  Lugdunensis  and  Aquitania  receive  one 
procurator  jointly,  likewise  Belgian  Gaul  and  the  Germanies.  For  the 
purpose  of  the  customs,  however,  Augustus  takes  the  whole  new  area, 
that  is  the  Three  Provinces — the  Germanies,  the  alpine  territories  and  the 
old  Provincia — and  groups  them  together.  They  are  set  off  from  the 
rest  of  the  empire  and  the  outside  world  by  a  customs  duty  of  two  and 
one-half  per  cent. 

The  very  name,  however,  of  the  heart  of  Gaul,  the  Tres  Gallia, 
would  indicate  that  they  were  regarded  in  a  special  sense  as  belonging 
together,  and  that  while  they  were  separate  provinces  the  Roman  adminis- 
tration here  again  gave  proof  of  its  wisdom  in  not  interfering  unduly  with 
the  historical  or  cultural  background.  This  the  teacher  can  make  clear 
if  he  makes  the  student  see  that  there  was  for  the  whole  territory  one 
assembly  to  which  delegates  were  sent  from  every  civitas  and  which  met 
at  Lyons,  the  natural  center  of  the  Gauls.  Closely  associated  with  this 
diet,  indeed  almost  its  only  real  reason  for  existence,  is  the  worship  of 
Augustus  and  Roma.  It  is  centered  at  the  great  altar  at  Lyons  and  thus 
centralizes  the  official  religion  and  organizes  the  loyalty  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. On  the  basis  of  these  facts  the  student  must  be  made  to  see  the 
significance  of  the  Emperor  cult  and  of  refigion  as  a  phase  of  imperial 


120  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

policy.  See  Stuart  Jones,  Companion,  and  Greenidge  on  the  Em- 
peror cult. 

The  big  outlines  of  imperial  provincial  policy  and  organization  are 
thus  readily  seen  by  a  study  of  the  maps  here  given.  The  more  specific 
devices  and  the  ideals  behind  them  can  also  be  illustrated.  The  lowest 
organism  in  the  makeup  of  a  province  is  the  civitas.  There  seem  to  have 
been  eighty  of  these  in  the  four  main  regions  into  which  Gaul  under 
Augustus  was  divided.  They  are  indicated  by  capitalization  of  the 
names.  They  were  created  by  attributing  to  existing  town  centers  a 
certain  territory  round  about,  thus  old  tribal  units  became  counties  with 
an  urban  center.  Where  no  adequate  city  life  existed  it  was  created. 
Not  everywhere,  especially  in  the  more  undeveloped  and  remote  districts, 
was  this  possible  in  practice  and  here,  while  technically  the  civitas  obtains, 
practically  we  find  little  more  than  the  old  cantons  with  their  loosely  knit 
organization.  On  the  civitas  see  Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Life,  p. 
426;  Taylor,  Political  and  Constitutional  History^  of  Rome;  ARNOLD, 
Roman  Provincial  Administration  (second  edition)  ;  Sandys,  Com- 
panion, pp.  366  ff.  and  p.  391.  For  similar  material  in  other  regions 
see  the  books  by  BouCHIER  on  Roman  Spain,  Syria  and  Sardinia. 
These  titles  may  be  referred  to  in  general  for  the  organization,  the  life 
and  evolution  of  a  Roman  province. 

Underlying  this  civitas  grouping  is  of  course  the  idea  of  extending 
Rome's  influence  by  a  process  of  urbanization  and  of  assimilating  the 
new  territory  through  the  medium  of  the  Roman  ideal  of  city  life.  Rome 
progresses  by  founding  or  creating  by  reorganization  many  new  Romes  in 
miniature;  the  process  employed  in  the  Italian  municipia  is  repeated  in 
the  provinces  (see  Map  Bl  1).  This  is  particularly  true  of  the  West, 
more  especially  in  Gaul.  In  the  East  there  were  insurmountable  hin- 
drances to  an  outright  application  of  this  principle. 

As  in  the  case  of  Italy,  however,  the  pushing  forward  of  the  muni- 
cipium  involved  another  and  supplementary  device.  It  is  that  of  a  varied 
distribution  of  political  privilege  to  the  several  towns  and  cantons.  To 
stimulate  loyalty  and  thus  hurry  the  process  of  assimilation,  to  avoid 
possible  discontent  and  consequent  joint  opposition  to  Rome  of  larger 
areas,  she  judiciously  distributed  political  rights  and  the  attendant  social 
and  economic  advantages.     Under  Augustus,  and  therefore  in  the  period 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  121 

of  our  map,  the  plan  has  not  reached  full  realization,  but  its  main  outlmes 
are  distinctly  discernible  especially  in  the  Narbonnensis.      It  is  the  old 
and  not  essentially  Roman  device  of  "divide  and  command."      (The 
teacher  can  here  compare  the  situation  in  the  Athenian  empire.)      Thus 
the  teacher  will  note  in  the  map  some  towns  or  tribes  marked  as  possess- 
ing allied  status,  others  as  being  free,  again  others  with  Latin  rights,  and 
finally  some  with  the  tide  and  privileges  of  Roman  citizen  colonies.     This 
is  the  situation  of  Italy  over  again  with  only  the  necessary  modifications. 
All  these  units  are  far  above  the  status  of  the  mere  stipendiary,  tributary 
town.     There  is  plan  and  purpose  in  this  careful  gradation  of  political 
relationship  with  Rome,  as  the  teacher  can  readily  show  by  some  concrete 
examples — by  a  comparison  for  instance  of  the  extreme  southern  area  and 
the  tribal  lands  of  the  north,  by  placing  in  series  such  different  centers  as 
Narbo,  Nimes,  the  Arverni  and  their  city  Nemetum  and  the  Aeduans 
with  Bibracte.     The  whole  situation  would  be  even  clearer  if  the  teacher 
took  the  eighty  civitates  as  they  are  shown  in  their  supposed  limits  by 
Rice  Holmes  (map  at  the  beginning  of  volume  on  Csesar's  Conquest  of 
Gaul)    and  had  all  or  representative  ones  colored  in   accordance  with 
their  political  status.     To  bring  the  idea  home  still  more  clearly  such  a 
study  might  be  compared  with  a  modern  detailed  map  of  India  under 
British  domination.      For  specific  material  on  these  grades  of  privilege 
see  the  tides  above.     Special  discussion  of  the  situation  in  Gaul  is  best 
given  in  JuLLIAN,  Histoire  de  la  Gaule,  or  Bloch,  V.  2,  in  LaVISSE, 
Histoire  de  France,     On  the  whole  problem  of  the  extension  of  citizen- 
ship, the  top  rung  in  this  ladder  of  preferment  and  romanization,  see  the 
speech  of  the  Emperor  Claudius  in  TaCITUS,  Annals  XI,  24. 

On  the  colonies  as  such  and  as  centers  radiating  Roman  influence 
the  same  tides  will  serve  (Sandys,  p.  383).  How  those  in  the  south 
situated  on  a  well  planned  and  executed  system  of  military  roads  formed 
a  splendid  defensive  complex  can  easily  be  seen  from  the  map.  In  the 
north  there  were  few  such  centers,  either  as  agencies  of  Romanization  or 
as  military  points  of  support.  The  Rhine  defense  line  took  over  those 
duties.  That  in  part  explains  why  the  process  of  Romanization  north  of 
the  Loire  line,  with  the  exception  of  the  German  sphere  of  occupation, 
was  so  much  slower  and  less  intensive. 

The  road  system  shown  is  simplified  from  the  itinerary  of  Antoninus 


122  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

and  is  thus  in  detail  that  of  the  third  century.  However,  most  of  the 
chief  arteries  are  older  and  existed  already  in  the  first  century.  The  map 
gives  a  clear  idea  of  how  all  possible  regions  were  tapped  and  how  espe- 
cially the  frontiers  were  closely  linked  up  with  the  backcountry  and  with 
Italy.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  the  main  highways  of  the  imperial 
period  rather  closely  coincide  with  the  great  trunk  lines  of  the  postroad 
system  in  eighteenth  century  France.  See  LaVISSE,  V.  1,  pp.  378-379. 
Note  also  JcNES,  Companion,  p.  40,  Sandys,  p.  422. 

QUESTIONS 

Show  on  the  basis  of  the  map  the  significance  of  the  Gallic  area 
for  Italy,  for  Caesar,  for  the  Roman  Empire  as  a  whole.  What  several 
lines  of  defense  did  Rome  estabhsh  in  the  northwest?  Why  did  Rome 
establish  first  the  Provincia,  and  then  conquer  the  Celtic-Germanic  area 
to  the  north  of  it?  What  natural  products  and  wares  did  Rome  derive 
from  Gaul  ?  What  principles  were  applied  in  the  organization  of  Gaul  ? 
Illustrate  the  principle  of  "divide  and  command"  on  the  basis  of  Gaul. 
What  was  the  importance  of  the  city  of  Lyons  in  the  Roman  Empire? 
Distinguish  between  the  policy  adopted  toward  Narbonnese  Gaul  and 
the  rest  of  the  territory.  What  was  the  relation  of  the  Germanies  to 
Gaul?  What  is  meant  by  progress  through  urbanization?  How  is  it 
illustrated  in  Gaul?  What  was  the  importance  of  the  road  system  of 
Gaul? 


MAP  B 16.    ROMAN  EMPIRE 

General.     The  political  unification  of  the  Mediterranean  basin 
was  attained  under  Augustus.     This  sheet,  therefore,  presents  chiefly  the 
situation  at  that  time.      Occupying  in  security  the  Mediterranean  area, 
however,  involved  more  or  less  hostility  to  the  inland  states  and  peoples. 
Despite  the  Augustan  policy  of  non-expansion  additional  conquests  were 
therefore  made  even  by  successors  of  his  own  line.     The  Flavians  pro- 
ceeded further  on  the  path  of  annexation,  while  Trajan  once  more  gave 
an  illustration  of  the  true  imperialist.     After  the  great  renunciation  under 
Hadrian  we  once  more  meet  a  policy  in  the  main  of  holding  and  assimilat- 
ing acquired  areas  which  soon,  especially  in  the  third  century,  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  gradual  but  consistent  recession  on  almost  all  fronts.     The 
reconstructive  efforts  of  Diocletian  and  Constantine  could  not  permanently 
stop  this  movement.     To  illustrate  these  later  phenomena  of  increase  and 
shrinkage  a  small  inset  has  been  added  to  our  map,  giving  at  least  the  es- 
sentials of  the  process.     On  the  whole,  these  two  representations  are  thus 
to  be  regarded  as  in  sequence  to  Map  B I  4  and  the  teacher  must  use  them 
from  that  point  of  view.     The  second  inset  on  the  "Roman  Empire  in 
395  A.  D."  is  to  give  the  outstanding  facts  in  the  division  and  adminis- 
tration of  the  Empire  in  the  age  just  preceding  the  great  invasions.      It 
seemed  advisable  to  choose  this  period  rather  than  the  one  which  contains 
the  arrangements  as  made  by  Diocletian  and  Constantine.     The  size  of 
this  inset  does  not  permit  the  delineation  of  the  more  than  one  hundred 
and  twenty  provinces  into  which  the  Empire  had  been  divided.     All  in 
all  the  whole  map  is  further  designed  to  act  as  a  connective  between  this 
and  the  companion  series  of  maps  entitled  Harding  European  History 

Series, 

Main  Map  and  Inset  on  Growth  and  Shrinkage:  One 
glance  at  this  map  will  show  that  the  Roman  Empire  under  Augustus  is 
a  complex  of  provinces  and  vassal  states  more  or  less  directly  or  completely 
dependent  on  Italy  and  Rome.  This  nucleus  has,  therefore,  been  given 
special  coloring.     The  status  of  the  several  regions  depended  entirely  on 

123 


124  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

the  arrangements  made  by  Rome  with  the  individual  area  conquered  or 
otherwise  added.  These  were  laid  down  in  separate  charters  and  treaties, 
subject  naturally  to  a  good  deal  of  change,  not  only  during  the  course  of 
the  Empire  but  even  in  the  individual  reigns.  The  situation  is  further 
complicated,  both  in  teaching  the  history  of  the  Empire  and  in  trying  to 
represent  any  given  age  on  a  map,  by  the  fact  that  Rome  made  special 
and  additional  agreements  with  the  several  cities  and  subdivisions  in  the 
various  provinces.  A  really  adequate  map  ought  to  show  also  these  dif- 
ferences, but  the  information  available  is  both  too  scant  and  too  compli- 
cated to  permit  of  such  a  presentation  for  the  Empire  as  a  whole.  For 
the  benefit  of  the  student  and  teacher,  however,  an  attempt  at  fixing  these 
factors  has  been  made  for  the  Gallic  provincial  complex.  Their  signifi- 
cance in  the  administration  and  assimilation  of  the  Mediterranean  lands, 
especially  in  the  northwest  can  be  studied  there  (see  Map  BIS). 

The  many  problems  in  the  history  of  imperial  expansion  even  under 
Augustus,  the  loss  or  acquisition  of  territories,  their  changes  in  status  or 
organization,  the  conversion  of  vassals  into  provincials  and  all  other  at- 
tendant questions,  many  of  them  very  knotty  and  impossible  to  clearly 
solve,  cannot  be  even  briefly  indicated  in  this  manual.  The  facts  as  far 
as  known  or  of  moment  in  the  classroom  are  discussed  in  the  current  text- 
books and  in  the  more  extensive  histories  and  special  treatises.  For  the 
convenience  of  the  teacher  and  pupil  reference  may  here  be  made  to  the 
brief  summaries  in  Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Life;  Sandys,  Com- 
panion to  Latin  Studies,  pp.  391-410  (especially  valuable  in  his  alpha- 
betical list  of  provinces,  with  their  limits,  dates  of  acquisition,  changes, 
etc.);  and  ARNOLD,  Roman  Provincial  Administration  (2d  ed.). 
Further  titles  are  quoted  in  these  works  and  also  under  Map  B15.  A 
very  suggestive  volume  bringing  Roman  Imperialism  home  to  the  modern 
student  is  Cromer,  Ancient  and  Modern  Imperialism. 

The  map  shows  the  extra-Italian  dominions  of  Rome  in  three 
groups,  the  two  types  of  provinces  and  the  allied  or  vassal  states.  The 
latter  are  after  Augustus  temporarily  or  permanently  absorbed  by  the 
provincial  system.  The  differentiation  in  the  former  is  the  work  of 
Augustus  and  is  intimately  interwoven  with  both  the  constitutional  and 
practical  aspects  of  the  early  Empire.  Territories  along  the  frontier  re- 
quiring military  protection  or  occupation,  or  in  other  ways  demanding  a 


TEACHER'S  MANUAL  125 

strong  hand,  either  in  the  interest  of  the  Empire  or  the  Princeps,  are  placed 
under  the  immediate  direction  of  the  Emperor.  They  are  known  as  im- 
perial provinces  and  are  shown  on  the  map  in  a  Hght  tint  with  single 
ruling.  Those  sufficiently  assimilated  to  be  regarded  as  safe  are  the 
public  or  senatorial  provinces.  Here,  too,  the  Princeps  exercised  control 
over  the  finances  and  held  them  in  military  security.  In  these  also,  as 
in  the  other  provinces,  he  was  "Divus  Augustus."  On  the  map  the  latter 
variety  is  shown  in  the  darker  tint  with  cross  ruling.  There  were  certain 
shiftings  in  this  relationship  both  under  Augustus  and  later.  These  could 
not  conveniently  be  shown  and  do  not  materially  affect  the  problem  from 
the  classroom  point  of  view.  (On  these  matters  see  the  titles  just  cited.) 
Egypt  is  really  not  a  province,  it  was  and  remained  for  several  centuries 
purely  a  special  crown  domain,  due  to  its  wealth  and  significance  for  the 
grain  supply  of  Rome  and  Italy. 

Rome  used  her  vassals  or  allies  in  self-defense.  They  were  placed 
usually  at  points  where  for  the  time  being  she  did  not  wish  to  bring  her 
own  provincial  lines  in  contact  with  hostile  states  or  tribal  groups,  where 
it  seemed  expedient  to  put  between  her  own  and  enemy  areas  a  buffer,  or 
safety  cushion,  a  state  whose  ruler  and  people  might  temporarily  protect 
Rome's  frontiers  or  keep  her  from  unwelcome  involvements  with  foreign 
powers.  Excepting  in  the  east,  all  these  states  became  provinces  (see 
inset).  Here  Rome  was  never  quite  able  to  overcome  Parthian  rivalry, 
to  check  the  imperialism  Parthia  was  pursuing  on  her  own  account,  par- 
ticularly in  relation  to  the  lands  at  the  upper  courses  of  its  river  system. 
Parthia  is  the  only  state  which  despite  many  defeats  held  her  own,  always 
a  menace  to  Rome  and  destined  ultimately  to  outlive  the  Empire  as  far 
as  it  was  Roman.  The  map  for  this  reason  shows  the  rough  outlines  of 
Parthia. 

The  map  gives  also  the  chief  tribes  and  tribal  aggregations  on 
Rome's  frontiers.  This  will  make  possible  a  discussion  of  Rome's  re- 
lations to  its  barbarian  neighbors,  especially  in  the  north.  While  the  rela- 
tive position  of  the  several  peoples  changes  in  the  course  of  the  centuries, 
particularly  when  the  invasions  grew  to  be  a  serious  danger,  the  essential 
facts  in  the  Roman  frontier  policy  can  be  dealt  with  on  the  basis  of  the 
indications  given  here.  For  the  later  situations  see  Map  H 1  in  the  Hard- 
ing European  History  Series. 


126  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

Closely  connected  with  the  whole  question  of  provincial  administra- 
tion is  that  of  the  frontier.  Not  until  Augustus  does  the  Roman  state  have 
a  frontier  in  our  modern  sense.  "In  a  haphazard  way,  under  all  sorts  of 
conflicting  circumstances,  she  extended  her  direct  and  indirect  sphere  of 
influence"  (Jones).  Perhaps  during  the  reign  of  Augustus,  certainly 
later,  there  is  considerable  vacillation  between  "Alexandrine  Imperialism" 
and  a  mere  maintenance  of  relatively  fixed  boundary  lines  by  means  of 
that  mysterious  policy  known  as  defensive  warfare  (on  the  Rhine-Danube 
frontier  see  Oldfather  and  Canter,  The  Defeat  of  Varus. 

One  of  the  concrete  factors  in  the  frontier  policy  of  Rome  is  the 
"limes."  At  the  outset  this  term  referred  to  military  roads  constructed 
for  the  opening  up  and  control  of  newly  gained  lands.  Thus  it  is  used 
under  Augustus.  These  highways  were  protected  by  little  forts,  castella. 
Under  Trajan  the  word  limes  has  come  to  technically  mean  "frontier," 
due  in  part  to  the  Flavian  efforts  at  providing  rectified  and  properly  de- 
fended limits  for  the  Empire,  an  attempt  involving  some  conquests.  In 
the  main  the  "limes"  is  a  road  as  above,  but  especially  from  the  Rhine  to 
the  Danube  these  roads  had  become  really  lines  of  fortifications  of  earth 
or  stone,  with  watch  towers  at  intervals,  and  connected  by  palisades.  Be- 
hind this  inadequate  first  defense  were  placed  larger  and  stronger  stone 
forts  from  which  it  might  readily  be  reinforced,  since  this  second  defense 
was  bound  to  the  first  by  means  of  other  highways.  While  clearly  mili- 
tary in  its  essence,  such  a  system  undoubtedly  had  its  civil  uses  in  the  regu- 
lation of  traffic  between  Roman  and  barbarian.  This  type  of  fortification 
at  the  same  period  can  be  studied  in  Britain  or  Africa — ^wherever  Roman 
power  penetrates  such  defenses  are  seen.  Even  in  the  east  along  the  Na- 
bataean  front  Trajan  constructs  them;  elsewhere  in  this  section  the  catas- 
trophic end  of  his  plans  seems  to  have  cut  short  a  like  development.  Most 
systematic  is  the  endeavor  of  Hadrian  to  throw  about  the  Empire  a  hedge 
of  effective  barriers.  Palisades,  stone  ramparts,  dikes  and  ditches,  mili- 
tary roads  and  strong  forts  in  the  first  line  supplant  the  Flavian  limes. 
Not  always  does  this  military  frontier  coincide  with  the  actual  sphere  of 
occupation  or  influence.  In  Dacia  and  Britain,  for  example,  there  are 
outposts  and  garrisons  beyond.  Already  in  the  third  century  the  whole 
defensive  structure  proves  inadequate;  the  barbarians  seem  to  break  it  at 
will  from  the  time  of  Alexander  Severus  on.     Diocletian  turned  over  the 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  127 

securing  of  the  boundary  to  special  frontier  troops  under  independent 
"dukes,"  whose  forces  supported  themselves  on  chains  of  small  forts. 
But  this  also  availed  nothing  in  the  end.  For  further  discussion  of  this 
whole  problem  see  Stuart  Jones,  Companion,  p.  243,  who  also  gives 
the  best  modern  titles  on  the  subject.  See  ibid,  a  fine  sketch  of  the  Ger- 
manic limes  (p.  244).     See  also  Sandys,  p.  478.     Compare  Bl  5. 

Roads  and  Naval  Courses:  The  road  system  of  the  Empire  is  only 
represented  on  our  map  in  its  main  trunk  Hnes  to  avoid  overloading  the 
map.  Further  details  for  classroom  purposes  can  be  gleaned  from  the 
discussion  of  this  topic  in  Stuart  Jones  (p.  40),  and  from  a  very 
convenient  map  he  appends  (p.  44).  In  this  series  more  specific  illustra- 
tion of  the  avenues  of  communication  is  offered  for  Italy  (Bl  I  )  and  the 
Northwest  (B15).  A  brief  summary  of  the  situation,  especially  for  the 
Empire,  may  at  this  point  be  added  for  the  benefit  of  the  student. 

The  road  system  of  the  Empire  is  justly  famous.  "Over  a  large  part 
of  it,  especially  in  the  south  and  east  the  ease  and  safety  of  communication 
secured  by  construction  of  great  highways  far  surpassed  that  which  exists 
at  the  present  time."  The  roads  were  primarily  for  military  and  political 
purposes,  by  a  mesh  of  highways  the  several  portions  of  the  Empire  were 
connected  with  and  held  in  subjection  by  Rome  (see  especially  B15). 
How  they  were  used  as  auxiliaries  in  frontier  protection  has  just  been  men- 
tioned. As  we  advance  with  Rome  in  her  conquests  from  her  earliest 
steps  in  Italy  to  the  very  end  of  her  career  we  can  see  the  highways  ex- 
tending with  the  frontiers.  In  the  Republic  the  big  era  of  construction  was 
the  second  century.  In  the  Empire,  our  knowledge  of  details  is  less  good, 
but  in  its  earlier  half  the  whole  vast  region  was  covered  by  great  main 
arteries  and  numerous  lesser  branches.  The  Roman  used  either  old  es- 
tablished routes  and  rebuilt  them  or  constructed  new  ones  to  suit  his 
several  needs.  See  thus  Trajan's  road  from  Gaul  to  the  Black  Sea,  or  the 
roads  connecting  the  big  eastern  garrison  centers  of  Melitene  and  Samosata 
(see  BIO),  and  the  system  of  highways  in  Britain. 

As  far  as  the  roads  served  other  than  strategic  and  political  ends, 
they  were  chiefly  employed  in  an  administrative  way  for  the  imperial 
post  (see  Jones,  p.  49).  That  in  addition  to  all  these  public  purposes 
they  acted  as  arteries  of  trade,  were  in  fact  chiefly  strategic  conversions 
of  former  commercial  highroads,  is  quite  evident;  and  if  we  view  the 


X 


128  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

complex  of  roads  from  this  angle  it  is  plain  that  comrtierce  on  land,  de- 
spite the  ofttimes  difficult  territory,  was  well  provided  for.  The  trade 
with  the  East  was  amply  served,  the  raw  products  of  the  several  provinces 
(see  Gaul,  B15)  could  easily  be  brought  to  manufacturing  centers,  the 
traffic  in  goods  from  the  provinces  to  the  center  of  the  Empire  and  from 
the  east  to  the  west  was  rendered  convenient. 

This  is  especially  plain  if  we  consider  also  the  opportunities  of 
water  transportation  as  given  in  our  map  (JoNES,  p.  44).  Even  though 
sailing  was  still  suspended  from  the  middle  of  November  to  the  middle 
of  March,  and  despite  the  timidity  of  the  sailors  who  still  clung  mainly  to 
coasting  routes,  and  the  dependence  of  the  ancients  on  favorable  winds, 
the  needs  of  commerce  were  seemingly  amply  taken  care  of. 

On  the  speed  of  sailing  in  these  days  we  have  only  inadequate  evi- 
dence. Pliny  mentions  a  six  or  seven  days'  sail  from  the  Messina  Straits 
to  Alexandria;  another  bit  of  information  gives  nine  days  from  Puteoli 
in  the  bay  of  Naples  to  Alexandria  in  light  wind.  The  distance  from 
Cadiz  to  Puteoli  consumed  seven,  from  Hither  Spain  it  took  four,  from 
Narbo  three,  Africa  two  days  to  the  same  port.  These  are  probably 
record  trips,  but  an  average  journey  possibly  did  not  require  a  very  much 
longer  time  (but  see  Ramsay  in  HASTINGS  Dictionary  of  the  Bible, 
extra  vol.  under  "roads  and  travel").  Ancient  geographers  estimated 
the  average  day's  sail  at  between  one  hundred  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
knots,  about  an  average  of  five  knots  an  hour.  For  further  discussion  see 
the  titles  cited  by  Stuart  Jones,  p.  5 1 ,  also  Sandys,  p.  422,  and 
Skeel,  Travel  in  the  First  Century. 

Inset  on  Prefectures  and  Dioceses:  Diocletian  completely 
changed  the  organization  of  the  Empire.  Further  measures  were  under- 
taken by  his  successors,  all  of  them  more  or  less  in  line  with  his  policy. 
In  the  first  place  he  increased  the  number  of  provinces  to  1  1 6.  A  group 
of  these  he  then  formed  into  a  diocese  under  the  control  of  a  vicar.  The 
whole  Empire  furthermore,  in  keeping  with  his  idea  of  two  Augusti  and 
two  Caesars,  was  finally  divided  into  four  administrative  units  known  as 
prefectures,  each  under  a  Praetorian  Prefect,  the  assistant  of  the  respective 
Augustus  or  Caesar. 

The  main  reasons  for  these  arrangements  were  the  following:  The 
experience  of  the  third  century  with  its  many  pretenders  and  the  ruin  in 


TEACHERS  MANUAL  129 

the  wake  of  their  ambitions  had  taught  the  danger  of  giving  too  large  an 
area  into  the  hand  of  one  governor,  especially  when  that  official  was  both 
military  and  civil  head  of  his  region.  Smaller  districts  would  avoid  part 
of  the  danger,  so  Diocletian  proceeded  to  cut  up  the  old  provinces.  As 
a  second  measure  he  then  for  the  first  time  definitely  broke  with  the  Roman 
idea  of  unity  in  provincial  command — he  separated  the  army  control  from 
the  civil  power.  This  he  felt  would  render  the  provincial  commanders 
harmless. 

A  degree  of  centralization  in  the  forces  of  the  empire  was,  however, 
necessary,  especially  in  the  face  of  the  growing  internal  disintegration  and 
the  barbarian  pressure.  To  meet  both  these  conditions  he  evolved  the 
diocese  and  the  quadripartite  Empire.  Each  of  the  four  sections  was 
now  primarily  responsible  for  its  own  affairs  and  its  own  boundary.  The 
student  will  note  in  our  map  which  refers  to  a  later  period — there 
were  several  adjustments  in  the  scheme  of  dioceses  and  the  limits  of  the 
prefectures  after  Diocletian,  the  details  of  which  are  very  obscure,  and  of 
which  we  have  chosen  the  one  under  Theodosius — the  essential  unity  of 
the  task  of  frontier  defense,  especially  in  the  north.  Here  each  prefecture 
guards  a  part  of  the  Rhine-Danube  line.  For  an  understanding  of  the 
history  of  the  later  Empire  this  fact  is  of  importance. 

Mere  territorial  shiftings,  however,  were  not  adequate  to  the  needs 
of  the  day.  Therefore,  Diocletian  also  reorganized  the  army.  Part  of 
it  is  immobilized  along  the  frontier  in  garrisons;  the  rest,  the  real  field 
army,  is  grouped  at  some  central  point,  preferably  about  the  several 
Augusti  or  Caesars,  ready  to  hasten  to  any  point  that  might  be  in  danger. 
These  are  the  limitanei  and  the  comitatenses.  See  the  comment  on  the 
other  portions  of  this  map. 

Another  feature  of  this  inset  is  the  indication  of  the  Theodosian  line 
dividing  the  Empire  into  an  eastern  and  western  sphere.  The  genius  of 
historical  development  in  the  imperial  period  had  in  various  ways  fore- 
shadowed such  an  outcome.  The  East  and  the  West  were  bound  to  go 
their  way  severally.  More  or  less  formally  and  temporarily  ihis  had  been 
indicated  earlier,  for  instance  under  Augustus  and  Marcus  Aurelius. 
The  particularist  states  of  Palmyra  and  Gaul  had  further  pointed  that 
way.  Now,  while  Theodosius  perhaps  did  not  see  it  clearly  and  really 
did  not  mean  to  separate  the  hro  altogether,  the  eastern  and  western 


130  ANCIENT  HISTORY  MAPS 

worlds  were  parted.     No  legal  theory  of  unity  or  idealistic  conception  of 
a  world  empire  ever  again  brought  them  together. 

One  of  the  interesting  features  about  the  division  of  the  empire  as  it 
existed  in  the  century  when  Christianity  was  recognized  is  the  relation  of 
the  ecclesiastical  districts,  into  which  gradually  the  Church  came  to  be 
divided,  to  the  system  as  it  was  inaugurated  by  Diocletian  and  carried  on 
by  Constantine.  On  this  question  and  on  the  whole  matter  see  SHEP- 
HERD, Atlas,  p.  42;  Sandys,  Companion,  p.  396;  Jones,  Roman  Em- 
pire, pp.  362  and  429;  Arnold,  Roman  Provincial  Administration; 
the  Notitia  Dignitatum  as  edited  and  translated  in  the  PENNSYLVANIA 
Translations  and  Reprints;  Bury,  Constitution  of  the  Later 
Roman  Empire;  FiRTH,  Constantine;  CoSENZA,  Official  Positions  After 
the  Time  of  Constantine;  Pauly-Wissowa  under  "Dioecesis." 

QUESTIONS 

Give  the  boundaries  of  the  territory  directly  controlled  by  Rome  at 
the  time  of  Augustus.  What  are  the  chief  vassal  states  and  protectorates 
of  Rome  during  the  Empire?  What  is  their  ultimate  fate?  What  is  a 
vassal  state,  and  what  was  its  significance  in  Rome's  system  of  domina- 
tion? Enumerate  the  imperial  provinces  under  Augustus.  What  was  the 
criterion  of  their  selection?  What  form  has  the  Roman  military  frontier 
in  the  Empire?  What  is  the  greatest  period  of  Roman  expansion  after 
Augustus?  How  far  eastward  does  Rome's  power  reach  at  its  best? 
What  is  a  diocese?  What  were  the  causes  for  the  reorganization  of  the 
Empire  under  Diocletian?  Give  the  limits  of  the  prefectures  as  they 
were  under  Theodosius.  Discuss  the  character  of  sea  traffic  during  the 
Empire. 


INDEX 


Acropolis,  61-2 

Adriatic,  15,  27,  83 

Aeduaus,  115 

Aegean  Sea,  20,  46-47,  53,  56,  77 

Aegean    civilization,    46-48,    49,    53, 

56,  81 
Aegina,  53,  56 

Aeolians,  50  ■- 

Agathocles,  94,  95 
Agriculture,  21,  23-4,  28,  30,  37,  39, 

52,  58,  67,  114 
Akkad,  39-40 
Alexander,  33,  44,  56,  63,   71;   task 

of,  74;    Empire  of,   74-8,   109 
Alexandria,  59,  77,  128 
Allies    of.Eome,    85,    87,    109,    115, 

121,  124-5 
Allobrogi,  115 

Alluvial  deposit,  21,  26-7,  39,  41,  52 
Alpine  Provinces,  119 
Amber  Eoute,  35 
Ambracia,  70 
Amorites,  39 
Ancient  geographers,  35 
Ancient  imperialism,    42-45,    57,    69, 

94,  106-10,   114,  123 
Ancient  World,  33-5 
Animal   husbandry,   16,   23-4,   29-30, 

114 
Antioch,  77 
Apennine,  26,  28 
Apulians,  93-4 
Aqueducts,  100,  101,  104 
Aquitania,  119 
Arabia,  43,  44 
'\  IT*  j^  rl  1  p     ^0 

Architecture,  40,  44,  61,  63,  100 
Argos,  50,  56,  70 
Armenia,  36,  74-5,  77 
Arno,  92,  94 
Asia  Minor,  18,  37,  47,  50,  56,  66-8, 

81,  115 
Assur,  42 
Assyria,  33,  42-45 
Athenian  Empire,  66-70,  86,  121 
Athens,  56,  58,  59,  61-4,  69,  72,  77, 

86 


Attica,  23,  56;   resources  of,  58,  62 

Augusti,  128 

Augustus,  101,  115-6,  117,  123 

Aurelian,   103 

Aventine,  97 

Babylon,  40,  42,  77 

Babylonia,  33,  36,  40,  42,  44,  49 

Bactria,  74,  75 

Barbarian  tribes,  125 

Belgian  Gaul,  119 

Bithynia,  77 

Bitter  Lakes,  77 

Black  Sea,  14,  15,  20,  22,  44,  51,  54, 

70,  77,  127 
Boeotia,  50,  56-7,  71 
Boeotian  League,  71-2 
Bordeaux,  112 
Britain,  Eoman,  126,  127 
Bronze  Age,  49 

Caesar,  110,  112-7;  Gallic  Wars  of, 
115-16;  routes  of,  116 

Caesars,  128 

Campania,  93,  100 

Campus  Martins,  101 

Capitoline,  97,  98 

Caxjpadocia,  75,  77 

Carthage,  18,  32,  34,  51,  54,  69,  92, 
95,  99,  106,  108-9 

Caspian,  43-44 

Cattle    (see  Animal  husbandry) 

Caucasus,  44,  75 

Celts,  78,  81-2,  109^  114,  116  (see 
also  Gauls) 

Chaldea,  40-41,  42-3,  44-5 

China,  33,  77 

Cimbri,  114 

City  building,  44,  59,  61,  99,  101 

City  State,  24,  58,  61,  71,  110 

Civitas,  120 

Claudius,  101,  121 

Cleisthenes,   58 

Climate,   15,  16,  28,  38,  39,  63,   113 

Cloaca  Maxima,  98  (see  also  Drain- 
age) 

Colchis,  54 


131 


132 


INDEX 


Colonization,  17,  24,  34-5,  51-5,  56, 
69,  70,  76,  85,  87-90,  95,  115,  121 

Commerce,  17,  24,  33-6,  40,  46-7,  56, 
58,  67-9,  74-5,  88,  99,  127-8 

Confederation,  31,  53-4,  85,  93 

Conquest  of  Italy,  92-5,  108 

Conquest  of  Mediterranean,  83,  106- 
11 

Constantine,  123 

Copper  (see  Metals,  base) 

Corinth,  52,  56,  70,  77 

Corinthian  Gulf,  70 

Corcyra,  70 

Cotton,  33 

Couropedion,  77 

Crete,  36,  38,  46 

Cumae,  54 

Currents  in  Mediterranean,  15 

Cyprus,  50 

Cyrus,  43 

Dacia,  126 

Dardanelles,  37 

Delian  League,  54,  70,  86 

Delphi,  54,  57,  68 

Delphian  Amphictiony,  54 

Demes,  58-9,  63 

Deserts,  15,  18-9,  33-4,  36-7,  39,  43 

Diadochi,  76,  77-8 

Dioceses,  128-30 

Diocletian,  123,  126-7,   129 

Dorians,  50 

Drainage,  98,  100,  104 

East  and  West,  rivalry,  75 

Ebro  Line,  109 

Economic  history,  data  for,  36,  38, 
52,  57,  58,  62,  69,  76,  106-8,  110, 
ll4 

Egypt,  22,  36-38,  39,  42-4;  and  Eu- 
rope, 38,  42,  47;  as  Province,  125; 
extent  of,  37;  Irrigation  in,  38; 
minerals  in,  38 

Eleusis,  57,  62 

Elis,  50 

Emperor  worship,   119,  125 

Epidamnus,  70 

Eratosthenes,  35 

Esquiline,  102 

Etruscans,  27,  30,  51,  54,  69,  80,  93, 
99 

Etruscan  Sea,  26,  54 


Euboea,  15,  50,  68 

Euphrates,  18,  19,  28,  36-37,  39,  115 

Farming   (see  Agriculture) 
Fertile  Crescent,  37,  39-40,  43 
Fisheries,  16,  23,  29,  114 
Flavians,  102,  123,  126 
Foodstuffs,  23,  29,  114;  imports  of, 

70 
Fora,  Eoman,  97 
Fowl,  33 
Frontier,    51,    110,    115-6,    118,    123, 

125-7    129 
Fruits,  16,  23,  29 

Garonne,  112 

Gaul,  89,  106;  geography  of,  112-4; 
capital  of,  113,  119;  climate  of, 
113;  colonies  in,  121;  harbors  of, 
112;  industry  in,  114;  organiza- 
tion of,  118-21;  resources  of, 
113-4;  roads  and  traffic  in,  112-3; 
tribes  of,  116;   and  Italy,  114 

Gauls,  27,  81,  92-3,  99,  100,  103,  109, 
116  (see  also  Celts) 

Geographic  influences,  23,  30,  53 

Geological  data,  14,  18,  20,  25-6 

Germanic  tribes,  115,  116 

Gold,  35,  54,  114  (see  also  Metals, 
precious) 

Grain,  16,  22,  70,  113-4,  125  (see  also 
Foodstuffs) 

Greece,  17,  19-25,  44,  49-50;  geoig- 
raphy  of,  19-22;  Provinces  of,  69; 
and  Orient,  56,  75 

Greek  housing,  63 

Greek  invasion,  23,  49-50 

Greek  particularism,  24;  53,  65,  68- 
70,  109 

Greeks  in  Italy,  93,  108 

Hadrian,  61,  103,  126 

Hamadan,  76 

Hannibal,  82,  85,  106,  108-9 

Harbors,  26,  30,  37,  52,  59,  62,  112 

Hebrews,  40,  43 

Hellenization,  25,  27,  31,  52,  74 

Herat,  76 

Herodotus,  35,  67 

Hittites,  42-a,  47 

Horses,  35 

Huns,  84 


INDEX 


133 


Iberians,  80,  83,  116 

Illyrians,  50,  80,  83,  108 

Imperial  provinces,  125 

India,  33,  35,  44,  77,  87 

Indo-Europeans,  34,  43 

Industry,  23,  30,  58,  67,  114,  127 
(see  Economic  Data) 

Invasions,  39,  42,  47,  49-50,  104,  125 

lonians,  50 

Ionic  revolt,   67 

Iron  age,  80,  83 

Isthmus  of  Corinth,  66,  68 

Italy,  farming  in,  28;  geography  of, 
25-8;  harbors  of,  26;  organization 
of,  85,  105;  prehistoric,  80;  prod- 
ucts of,  28-9;  roads  of,  57;  tribes 
of,  52,  80;  and  Greece,  52,  54, 
68,  81,  82,  95,  100 

Italian  unity,  26,  31,  92,  95,  108 

Jerusalem,  40,  43 

Kandahar,  76 

Land  power,  69 

Latin  colonies,  85,  87,  89 

Latin  League,  85,  93 

Latins,  52,  83,  98  ■        '  ' 

Latium,  92 

Ligurians,  83,  116 

Limes   (see  Frontier) 

Loire,  113,  121 

Lugdunensis,  118,  119 

Lupercal,  98  ;         ; 

Lydia,  74  \ 

Lyons,  113,  118,  119 

Macedonia,  44,  70,  76-7,  109 

Magna  Graecia,  28-9 

Marseilles,  52,  109,  112,  114 

Medes,  43-44 

Media  Atropatene,  77 

Mediterranean,  unification  of,  123 ; 
geography  of,  13-19;  products  of, 
16 

Mediterranean  Race,  34,  36,  49 

Medizing  states,  66,  68 

Megara,  53,  56,  70 

Messapians,  83 

Messina,  52 

Messenia,  72 

Metals,  base,  16,  29-30,  38,  114;  pre- 
cious, 16,  29-30,  53,  58,  114 

Migration,  19,  39,  49-50    ' 

Miletus,  53,  67 


5     J  SI 


Military    data,    66-7,    69-70,    74,    76. 

88,  114,  117,  126-7,  129 
Minerals,  16,  23,  29-30   (see  Metals) 
Mining,  38,  58 
Minoan  (see  Aegean) 
Minyan,  49 
Mithradates,  109 
Mycenaean,  49 

Narbonese  Gaul,  118,  121 

Nationalism,  25,  68 

Naval  power,  25,  27,  58,  59,  69,  72, 

108 
Navigation,  16-7,  18,  33,  35,  38,  46, 

56,  112,  127-8 
Nebuchadnezzar,  43-44 
Nero,  101 

Nile,  16,  18,  28,  36-37 
Nineveh,  42,  43-44 
Numidia,  108 

Olive,  22,  29 

Orient,  17,  18,  20,  25,  33,  36 

Orient,  Empires  of  the,  42 

Orier.t,  J^ar,  ,1,3 

Orient,'  products,  o^,  ,33 

■Orlea:ns,  ll2  .  ■     ?   ^'  '' '. 

Palatine,  98,  99    103 
,  palestiiiifs,  19;,  ;37.i  46  / 

■PafnphyH^-.  v-C-' 

Parthia,  125 
^Particularism     74    (see    also    Greek 
->     |)'v4;rtic,ti'arisr^i) 
, -i'a;triotash/,  24,, 30-1,  66-8 

Pelasgians,  49 

Peloponnesus,  27,  50 

Peloponnesian  League,  70 

Peloponnesian   War,   57,  58,  59,  62, 
69-71 

Pergamum,  77 

Pericles,  56,  62 

Persia,  13,  25,  33,  36,  42-44,  51,  57, 
66,  71 

Persian  Gulf,  39 

Persian  War,  46,  54,  56-58,  62,  65, 
74 

Phocaea,  53 

Phoenicians,  17,  19,  24,  38,  40,  47- 
48,  51-53 

Piraeus,  58,  59,  61 

Pomerium,  97 

Pontus,  77 

Population,  23,  67,  75,  99,  110,  115 


134 


INDEX 


Po  Valley,  27-8,  81,  90 

Potidea,  68,  70 

Potter's  clay,  16,  23,  29,  114 

Precious  stones,  33 

Prefectures,  128-9 

Priene,  59,  63 

Provinces,   Eoman,    107-8,   110,   112; 

government  of,  117-21,  123-4,  129; 

charters  of,  124 
Ptolemaean  Empire,  77 
Ptolemy,  35 
Punic     Wars,     108     (see    Hannibal, 

Carthage) 
Purple,   53 
Puteoli,  128 
Pyrrhus,  78,  92,  94 

Eaces,  34,  36-7,  49-50,  53,  80-3,  116 

Eainfall,  14,  16,  21,  28,  38-40 

Eed  Sea,  44,  77 

Eepublicanism,  78,  110 

Ehine,  Bridge,  116;  frontier,  115-6, 
118,  121,  126;  traffic  on,  113 

Khodes,  47,  77,  78 

Ehone,  112,  113  ^  t  < 

Eoads,  29,  30.-  33-4,  '40,  ^49,  62.  68, 
72,  76,  86,-88-9,  113,  117,  121-2, 
126-7 

Eoman  camps,  117      •      :  ^        ,      - 

Eoman  capitalism,  1C7-8 

Eoman  character,  30-1 

Eoman  Confederation,  86-7 

Eoman  Empire,  123-9;  adminiEtra- 
tion  of,  123;  division  of,  i23,  129- 
30;   making  of,  110,  115 

Eomanization  of  Gaul,  116,  118, 
120-1 

Eoman  walls,  126 

Eoma  Quadrata,  97 

Eome,  25,  31,  81,  92,  97-103;  baths, 
103-4;  buildings,  102-3;  citizen- 
ship of,  86.  120,  121;  conflagra- 
tions, 102,  103;  earliest,  97-8;  ef- 
fect of  conquest  on,  110;  foreign 
policy,  106,  109,  123-4;  govern- 
ment, 110,  117-21;  hills  of,  97; 
housing  in,  100;  Imperial,  100; 
markets  of,  99,  104;  palaces  in, 
101-3;  Eepublican,  97;  streets  of. 
100;  walls,  103;  wealth  of,.  110, 
118;  and  the  East,  65,  ^09-10, 
115;  and  Greeks,  95 
Route  of  Alexander,  76 


Salamis,  56,  66 

Salt,  14,  16,  29,  114 

Samnites,  31,  93 

Scythians,  54 

Seasons,  15-6,  21-2 

Seleucid  Empire,  77 

Seleucia  by  the  Sea,  77 ;    on  Tigris, 

77 
Semites,  34,  36,  37,  39 
Senatorial  provinces,  125 
Septimontium,  98 
Sequence  maps,  9,  42,  65,  123 
Servian  Wall,  99-100,  103 
Sicilv,  18,  27,  29,  52,  54,  68-9,  108 
Silk,  33,  34 

Silver   (see  Metals,  precious) 
Spain,  17,  18,  83,  108,  114 
Sparta,  57,  69,  70,  71 
Stone  Age,  46 

Straits  of  Messina,  15,  51-2 
Subura,  97,  99 
Sumer  and  Akkad,  39-40 
Syracuse,  54,  59 
Syria,  74,  108,  115 

Taren'tum,  95 

Tax  districts,  71 
'  Teiriimare,  80 
*  ThtVos,  70 
'  Thebes  in  Egypt,  44 

Thebes,  68,  70,  71 

Thermopvlae,  57,  66 

Thraee,  22,  44,  53,  70 

Tiber,  92-3,  98-9 

Tigris,  18,  19,  28,  36,  37,  115 

Tin,  35  (see  Metals,  base) 

Trajan,  123,  126,  127 

Vassal  states,  108,  123,  125 
Veii,  31,  93 
Via   (see  Eoads) 
Volcanic  action,  14,  25 
Volscians,  93 

Walls,  45,  59,  61-2,  98 

Water  traffic,  13,  26,  30,  33,  36,  38, 

39,  46,  56,  68,  72,  76-7,  112,  127 
Western  civilizations,  origins  of,  13. 

17,  33-4,  52,  56 
Wine,  23,  29,  114 
Woodlands.  22,  28,  58,  114 
Wool,  16,  114 


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